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Something is rotten in the state of Sri Lanka D.B.S. Jeyaraj, 12 June 2005
 
 
		
		 It 
		must be frustrating indeed for the International community and other 
		proponents of the Post - Tsunami Operational Management Structure to see 
		the tragi - comic drama unfolding before their eyes right now. Their 
		brainchild conceived in the aftermath of the tsunami disaster is on the 
		verge of a forced abortion. The carefully constructed mechanism aiming 
		to contain the Tigers in rehabilitation and reconstruction may never 
		see the light of day given the powerful ultra - Sinhala opposition to 
		it. 
 The international community that 
		aided 
		and 
		
		abetted Colombo in prosecuting a war with the LTTE realised at the 
		turn of the twentieth century that the 
		Sri Lankan forces were incapable of achieving a military solution 
		against the LTTE. The series of defeats suffered in the Wanni during 
		Operation Unceasing waves, the successful military strikes in the 
		peninsula including the
					
		fall of Elephant Pass,
					
		the siege of Jaffna, the
					
		defeat of the States much flaunted counter - offensive Operation 
		Agnikheela etc demonstrated that a military victory was beyond the 
		wildest imagination of Colombo.
 
 It was then that 
		the Western nations and Japan began actively promoting the peace process. 
		Earlier it was lukewarm support on the one hand while bankrolling South 
		Asias longest war on the other. It was decided that the only way out was 
		to promote a political settlement during the course of which the Tigers 
		would be "contained" in a state of non - combat. 
		
		It was perceived that the longer the Tigers kept away from fighting the 
		greater their chances of dissipation, dissension and decay. It was 
		correctly surmised that internal revolts and defections will occur. 
		These were partly proved right in the form of Vinayagamoorthy 
		Muraleetharan alias 
		"Col" 
		Karuna.
 
 Unfortunately for the "west" the xenophobic 
					Sinhala 
		chauvinists were unable to realise that the peace process was being 
		mooted and promoted for their own good. The idea was not to split 
		Sri Lanka but to ensure the fractured Islands unity, sovereignty and 
		territorial integrity albeit in a federal system. The west was also 
		prepared to let the LTTE enjoy some "extra - Constitutional" power in 
		the process. 
		The main idea was to keep the Tigers quiet and away from the 
		battlefront. The West was ready to tolerate many human rights 
		violations including the killing of political dissidents and 
		conscription of minors by the Tigers as long as they did not start 
		fighting with the Sri Lankan state.
 Of course some token protests were raised 
					but they were for the most part - token. 
						
							
								| 
								
								 Buddhist Monk 
								inspects Sri Lanka artillery at the war front
 |  Unfortunately the West never comprehended or 
					anticipated the extent of anti - Tamil feelings in the
					
					Sinhala supremacist psyche.  They miscalculated the inherent hegemonistic 
					attitude of the Sinhala majority (Mahajathiya) towards the 
					minority (Sulujathiya) communities. They rushed in like 
					fools while
					
					angels who had burnt their wings like India feared to 
					tread.  The end result was continuous cries of 
					opposition to the West's well - meaning efforts by the 
					Sinhala hawks. An active conspiracy theory was floated and 
					believed that Oslo was the catspaw of sinister forces out to 
					dismember tiny Sri Lanka.  
						The bitter irony for the west was 
						that the conspiracy if at all in the peace process was 
						to weaken the Tigers gradually and do away with the 
						separatist threat gradually. Given the prevailing conditions and their 
					own constraints in discussing a federal solution the
					LTTE came out 
					with its Internal - Self Government Authority proposal. 
					Even before it was discussed the knives were out. The chief 
					culprits in this were President Chandrika Bandaranaike 
					Kumaratunga and her trusted foreign minister Lakshman 
					Kadirgamar. They 
					whipped up a campaign against the ISGA and used it as a 
					stratagem to condemn the Ranil Wickremasinghe regime. The JVP, Buddhist fronts etc joined the 
					bandwagon. 
					After 
					shamelessly exploiting the situation to her advantage 
					Kumaratunga dissolved Parliament and held elections. She 
					joined forces with the Sinhala "National Socialist " JVP. 
					The bogeyman was Wickremasinghe who was accused of selling 
					out to the Tigers.
 They won but without an absolute 
					majority. Worse still for Kumaratunga she found herself a 
					captive of the JVP that had got 39 seats, four ministerial 
					and four deputy - ministerial posts. Despite the reins of 
					office being in her hands Kumaratunga found herself 
					completely shackled when it came to the ethnic crisis. The 
					JVP was against Norwegian involvement, against devolution 
					and against having anything to do with the Tigers. If 
					Kumaratunga thought the lure and spoils of office would have 
					mellowed the JVP she found the national socialists as firm 
					as ever on the Tigers. In a sense the 
					JVP was being honest to its policies, election manifesto 
					and voters. This resulted in a deadly stalemate on the 
					ethnic front.
 
 The Tigers were losing patience fast. By December last 
					year the LTTE had decided on some firm action. It was 
					decided to declare a withdrawal from the ceasefire by Feb 
					23rd 2005. The announcement to that effect was to be made on 
					Jan 14th. There would be no immediate recourse to war but 
					the LTTE would be keenly watching the situation. If that 
					situation had come to pass a full - fledged war would have 
					been inevitable by April - May this year.
 
 Then came the 
					
					tsunami disaster. North - eastern coasts were devastated 
					as in the case of the South - west. Given the extent of 
					suffering caused a return to war by either party was out of 
					the question. On the other hand the natural calamity 
					provided a humanitarian opportunity for resumption of 
					dialogue. There was no need to talk of federalism or 
					devolution or the ISGA proposal of the LTTE. Instead both 
					parties could talk about providing relief and rehabilitation 
					to the afflicted people. Moreover both sides could forge a 
					common mechanism to address those needs and concerns 
					speedily and effectively. If this did materialise then that 
					could pave the way for further talks on more substantive 
					issues.
 
 In order to encourage this move the 
					international community pledged a very generous aid package 
					but with one big string attached. Both Colombo and 
					Kilinochchi should forge some joint mechanism for the money 
					to be delivered on time and as pledged. In fairness to her 
					Kumaratunga too recognized immediately the merits of this 
					move. Thereafter she actively promoted such a venture. The 
					LTTE too responded positively. Yet the pace of discussions 
					on what was an urgent humanitarian project was dismally 
					slow. Despite the tardy progress the project reached 
					finality. And then the excreta collided with the oscillator.
 
 Many years ago former TULF Parliamentarian S. 
					Kathiravetpillai made an apt comment about the nature of 
					things in Sri Lanka. Comparing Sri Lanka to the apartheid 
					South Africa state prevailing at that time Kathiravetpliilai 
					said
 
						"Racism in South Africa is skin deep; 
						Racism in Sri Lanka is soul deep".
						 Even the West may have never bargained for 
					the reaction to the so called P- Toms or Joint mechanism. Of 
					course the objection was to giving powers to the terrorist 
					LTTE but the underlying thoughts were fundamentally racist. 
					After decades of exercising hegemonistic control over the 
					Tamils the hard - liners were in no mood to accommodate 
					sharing power even in a tsunam relief project.  The Amarapura Mahanayake in an interview 
					used the word "demallu" (Tamils) openly and inter- 
					changeably when referring to the LTTE.  Now the Sinhala chauvinist supremacists 
						have won the first battle. They have succeeded in 
						pressurising Kumaratunga to backtrack on the JM for the 
						present. 
						She has promised that she will not sign the document 
						without consulting the Mahanayakes. She has also 
						guaranteed that the JM will not threaten the unity, 
						sovereignity or territorial integrity of the Country.  This was no concession as the project 
						never did harm those in any way. In fact the 
						Joint Mechanism strengthened those further. But the 
						worst however is yet to come. The JVP has threatened a 
						pull - out from the Government on June 16th if 
						Kumaratunga does not pull back from the project by June 
						15th. Kumaratunga however seems equally determined and 
						has declared that she would quit rather than go back on 
						the Joint mechanism but then politics is the art of the 
						possible and many turns and twists are possible in the 
						near future.
 Whatever the final outcome of this 
						unholy struggle one fact has been proved conclusively. 
						The original sin in this garden of Eden was 
						
						Sinhala Buddhist majoritarian racism. Sri Lanka's 
						slow path to decline and destruction began with the 
						Sinhala - Buddhist chauvinist policies of the post - 
						Independence era. The fundamental and major problem 
						standing in the way of a united, undivided Sri Lanka has 
						been majoritarian hegemonism and unwiilingness to 
						recognize the inherent rights of the other minorities or 
						nationalities living in the island. Other problems 
						emanating from other communities are minor or lesser in 
						nature when compared to this.
 
 From the time 
						this 
						peace process began I have been interacting with 
						several western diplomats and journalists. They would 
						continuously harp on the LTTE factor and project it as 
						the biggest stumbling block to lasting peace. While 
						agreeing that the LTTE does pose a problem, I would 
						argue that the greater problem would be the Sinhala 
						chauvinists. The activities of the Tigers would give 
						them a pretext but historically the majority mindset 
						will not allow any tangible rights to the Tamils I would 
						say.
 I would also point out past history and 
						say that 
						the power 
						elites were either unwilling or unable to withstand 
						opposition on these issues and will be cowed down by 
						the chauvinist forces. The response on most counts would 
						be polite disbelief. The naked exhibition of aggressive 
						Sinhala Buddhist consciousness against the proposed 
						joint mechanism may have demonstrated what is rotten in 
						the state of Sri Lanka.
 Let there be no mistake 
						about it. The rise of Sinhala - Buddhist chauvinism is 
						the bane of modern Sri Lanka. From the days of the 
						Buddhist Commission to the present times of a joint 
						mechanism this underlying current is visibly present.
 From Anagarika Dharmapala to Omalpe 
						Sobitha there are Buddhist champions ever ready to 
						deprive Tamils. There are excuses always and the jargon 
						used appears to be reasonable and just on the surface 
						but the vicious communalism is always there. Now the 
						brutality and violence of the 
						LTTE 
						is depicted as the reason justifying opposition to the 
						joint mechanism. But then these same forces attacked 
						
						SJV Chelvanayagam and 
						
						Appapillai Amirthalingam as extremists too.
 The rise of the religious right is a dangerous 
						phenomenon in South Asia. India is fortunate that there 
						are vast numbers of intellectuals, political leaders and 
						opinion makers who are prepared to combat this Hindu 
						Chauvinsm openly and vigorously. In Sri Lanka there are 
						very few members of the Sinhala Buddhist ethnicity who 
						are prepared to do so. Unless and until a new breed 
						emerges from the Sinhala - Buddhist entity to challenge 
						this hegemonistic school of thought, forget about Tamils 
						or Muslims, there is no hope for the Sinhala people in 
						the modern world if these arch - reactionaries continue 
						to flourish.
 Let us not forget that for four and a 
						half years (1966 - 70) we had our week - ends on Poya 
						and pre - poya day. It has been said of the French 
						Bourbons that they learnt nothing and forgot nothing. 
						The same could be said of the Sinhala - Buddhist 
						hegemonists too.  If the International community does 
						really want a genuine, just, honourable and durable 
						peace in Sri Lanka it must address itself to this 
						majoritarian mindset. The problem lies there. It does not 
						matter whether the LTTE is really prepared to abandon 
						Tamil Eelam or not at this juncture. What matters is 
						that the Tigers have a very legitimate and valid reason 
						to decline direct talks on a lasting settlement. If the 
						Sinhala majority is not ready to share power on a 
						limited enterprise like the joint mechanism what chances 
						are there then that a scheme of devolution or federalism 
						will be accepted? Against that backdrop the LTTE cannot 
						be faulted if it does not come to the negotiating table. 
						One only hopes and prays that the LTTE will not resort 
						to war. The recent demonstrations against the 
						Joint mechanism and the JVP stance are a firm wake - up 
						call to the International community. Something is rotten 
						in the state of Sri Lanka. It is time to take note of 
						what is really wrong in Sri Lanka. The root cause of the 
						problem needs to be addressed. The 
North Eastern 
victims of the tsunami have waited too long for relief and redress. They 
cannot be expected to languish in refugee camps while the majoritarian 
chauvinists whip themselves into a frenzy. How are these innocent victims of a 
natural disaster going to receive the pledged international aid? We cannot wait 
for a joint mechanism to be forged in a society that is soul deep in racism. Desperate situations require desperate 
						remedies. The suffering people should get help as soon 
						as possible. Time is of the essence. |