Early Beginnings... February 1996 - November 1999 |
26 February 1996 |
Criteria for Solution - Visvanathan Rudrakumaran, Bergen
Conference
"...The illusion shared by
many today, that
President
Chandrika's devolution package is a panacea for the national
conflict in Sri Lanka, is also the product of a well-orchestrated
media campaign by the Sri Lankan Government. It is very sad that
many "bought" the spurious package without the benefit of a detailed
analysis of its contents..."
|
26 February 1996 |
Conclusions of Norwegian sponsored Bergen Conference
"...The long road towards peace must start by putting in place
conditions that can encourage talks. Some seem already to be in
place. The government must realise - as the President indeed seems
to do - that it can win a military victory in Jaffna, but cannot
completely defeat the LTTE militarily - at least not in the
foreseeable future, and not without victimizing large populations,
Tamils, Muslims as well as Sinhalese. As a hardened guerrilla
movement , the LTTE can simply withdraw, bide its time and resort to
low-level military attacks at the time and place of its choosing.
Colombo therefore needs a political solution. The LTTE, for its
part, has to realise its vulnerability..."
|
1 January 1999 |
Sri Lanka - Tamil
Eelam: Getting to Yes - Nadesan Satyendra
"...The political reality
is that any meaningful attempt at conflict resolution will need to
secure a win-win result. However 'win-win' is not some modern
day mantra which when repeated often enough brings peace. The Tamil
claim for independence and Sri Lanka's insistence on its territorial
integrity appear mutually exclusive. How then do we move towards a
win-win result?..."
|
25 May 1999 |
United States Institute
for Peace on How Terrorism Ends
"..So called 'get tough'
measures against terrorist groups can have unintended consequences.
Trying to 'decapitate' a movement may radicalise the whole movement
or some splinter faction. assassinations and military force can
provoke a desire for revenge, and raids and arrests can reinforce
martial images, create mythologies of martyrdom, or feed paranoia
and secretiveness (which makes the movements
even harder to penetrate for reasons of either understanding
motivations or foiling actions).. One of the most effective
strategies at governments' disposal may be to split off pragmatists
from radical rejectionists. Such efforts can diminish public support
for the terrorists and deny them a strong base from which to
operate."
|
21 May 1999 |
Need for Third Party Conflict Resolution in the Island of Sri Lanka -
Viswanathan Rudrakumaran
"...In a protracted
conflict, there are social and psychological processes at work which
exacerbate the conflict environment beyond the basic nature and
immediate circumstances of the conflict itself...Intervention by a
third party will bring the benefit of organization to the process.
It can lead to the introduction of new guidelines for communication
between the parties, and
thus enable each party
to appreciate the other side’s perspective. Properly structured
communication would impose a certain reality check upon each party’s
assumption regarding the other..."
|
6 October 1999 |
Asian Human Rights
Commission on UN Involvement For A Peace Plan For Sri Lanka |
13 November 1999 |
A Question of
Peace - Nadesan Satyendra
"...It has to be said that the struggle of the Tamil people is not
simply about securing peace. After all, if it was simply a matter of
securing peace, the Tamil people may have been well advised to
accept the
Sinhala Only Act without protest. Again, if it was simply peace
that they sought, they may have been well advised to accept
Sinhala
colonisation of their homeland,
standardisation of admission to Universities and submit to the
attacks of
1958,
1961, and
1977, without protest. And, today, they may be well
advised to support President Chandrika Kumaratunga's
genocidal 'war for peace', accept Sinhala rule of the Tamil
homeland - and secure peace..."
|