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Home > Tamils - A Trans State Nation > Nations & Nationalism > The Strength of an Idea > Self Determination > Fourth World - Nations without States - Stateless Nations > Nations without a State in the Global Age
THE FOURTH WORLD - NATIONS WITHOUT A STATE
The Department of Politics, Queen Mary, University of London Nations without a State in the Global Age
Conference at Queen Mary, University of London Nations without States - where there is a strong sense of national identity, in spite of having their territories included within the boundaries of one or more states with which by and large they do not identify with - are common. They have a new importance today, when established nation-states are changing their nature in response to globalisation processes. This conference explores Western substate nationalism by drawing on a wide range of case studies which include Catalonia, Scotland, the Basque Country, Northern Ireland and Quebec, among others.
Drawing on a comparative framework, the conference combines both
theoretical and empirical approaches. In so doing, it examines
nationalist
movements in nations without states, various
alternative political frameworks to accomodate national
diversity within multinational states, national identity and
cosmopolitanism, the
role of the
media in the construction of
the nation as well as the significance of
culture and
history.
Presentations: 'The Peace Processes in the Basque Country and Northern
Ireland: a Comparative Approach' -
Dr Gorka Espiau,
Political Advisor to the Secretary General of the Basque
Presidency, Senior Associate of the Centre for International
Conflict Resolution at Columbia University Abstract The Irish peace process has influenced
enormously Basque politics in the last decade. Academics,
political leaders and the media have tried to learn about
the key elements that have contributed to an ongoing success
story. This presentation will enumerate the obvious
differences but also the amazing similarities between the
two conflicts. Among them, the influence of the new
geo-strategic context within the European Union, the
negotiations involving armed groups, political parties and
governments and the evolution of two different traditions
fighting for self-determination. Basques were looking for
inspiration, not always in a balanced way, while political
leaders in Northern Ireland were more interested in
attracting the attention of the. United States. This paper
aimed to explain the logic for such a different approach.
Looking at the future, lessons need to be learnt.
Implementing shared sovereignty is probably the most useful
tool for conflict transformation all over the world. This is
the path marked by the
Good Friday Agreement, and it is probably the only
alternative to the violent conflict in the
Basque area. The Peace Process in the Basque Country and Northern Ireland:
a Comparative Approach -
Eoin O'Broin, Director of European Affairs, Sinn Fein Abstract Eoin O'Broin examined the factors which
underlie the Irish peace process and which have contributed
to the substantial degree of success during the past decade.
He explored the question whether similar factors
exist in the Basque Country and why the faltering peace
process there is in such trouble. `Beyond Statism and Culturalism: A Pluralistic Conception of
Political Community as an Alternative to Liberal Nationalism' -
Professor Rainer Baubock,
Department of Political and Social Sciences, European University
Institute (Florence) Abstract Since the early 1990s several prominent
political theorists have worked out normative theories of
liberal nationalism. They defend the ideas that national
identities are important for individual liberty or
well-being, that these identities should be protected and
promoted by political institutions and public policies, and
that such recognition must be granted universally to all
groups that qualify as national communities. As pointed out
by Chaim Gans, liberal nationalists disagree on whether
promoting a national culture is a means to achieve the
ultimate goals of democracy and social justice within a
liberal state, or whether, the other way round, a liberal
state is the means to support a national culture that is in
turn a basic condition for individual autonomy and
well-being. I argue, on the one hand, that
statist as well as culturalist versions of nationalism
rely on sociologically implausible accounts of national
community or run into difficulties when attempting to
reconcile nationalism and liberalism. On the other hand,
mainstream versions of liberalism and civic republicanism
have a strong statist and majoritarian bias and cannot
explain why and how liberal democracies should accommodate
stateless nations and national minorities. I sketch an
alternative approach that starts from a universal and equal
right of individuals to be recognized as members of
self-governing political communities and asks then how the
boundaries of such communities ought to be arranged so that
potentially rival claims to territory and membership can be
reconciled with each other. I conclude with applying
these ideas to territorial autonomy for national minorities
and transnational citizenship for migrant groups. 'National Identity versus Cosmopolitan Identity' -
Professor Montserrat
Guibernau, Department of Politics, Queen Mary, University of
London. Abstract The Stoics initially formulated
cosmopolitanism. In their view, the emphasis placed on
boundaries contributed to shifting the focus away from the
human condition shared by all persons by stressing
differences rather than commonality among them The Stoics
sought to replace the central role of the polis in ancient
political thought with that of the cosmos in which humankind
might live together in harmony. During the Enlightenment,
the cosmopolitan idea was given a new impetus by Immanuel
Kant. Various forms of cosmopolitan identity,
restricted to a selected elite, have existed since ancient
times. In its modem form, cosmopolitan identity is
intrinsically bound up with the intensification and
expansion of globalization processes allowing us, for the
first time in history, to have a reasonably accurate idea of
the composition, numbers and features of humanity. The aim of this paper is to explore the
meaning of both cosmopolitan and national identity in the
global age. In so doing, I examine the relevance of the
psychological, cultural, historical, territorial and
political dimensions I attribute to national identity (The
Identity of Nations, Polity, 2007) when applied to
cosmopolitan identity. The paper concludes by assessing
whether national and cosmopolitan identity are able to
co-exist and investigates the specific conditions that would
render this possible. 'The Nation and its Resources: from Culture to Destiny' -
Professor Anthony D Smith,
Emeritus Professor in Ethnicity and Nationalism, London School
of Economics and Political Science Abstract To grasp the continuing appeal of
nationalism, we need to furnish a cultural history of the
nation. This is especially relevant for nations without
states. This means in the first place that we must treat
the nation as a real, willed, felt and imagined community in
its own right, independently of both the state and of modern
nationalism, which it may well antedate. A cultural
history of the nation starts by outlining the main social
and symbolic processes in the formation of ethnic
communities and nations. It then explores the fundamental
cultural resources of election, homeland, ethno-history and
sacrifice that help to ensure their persistence. Finally, it
considers how the politics of decline often stimulates
alternative visions of national destiny and competing
projects of national renewal. Only at this point, in the
achievement of rival projects and visions, can the state, as
an engine of modernisation, become relevant to a nation
which has its own cultural history. 'The Media and the Perception of Nation. The Catalan
case.' -
Dr Monica Terribas, University of Barcelona and TV3
Broadcaster. 'Minority Nations and the Global Order: Normative and
Comparative Perspectives' -
Professor Ferran Requejo,
Department of Political Science, Pompeu Fabra University. Abstract In this paper, I deal with the case of
plurinational federal democracies, developing the suggestion
established in previous works of three theoretical criteria
for the political accommodation of these democracies. I
analyse the case of Catalonia after the recent reform of its
Constitutional Law (2006). I mention some difficulties
to establish clear formulas in these democracies in order to
encourage a "federalism of trust" based on the participation
and protection of national minorities in the shared
government of plurinational federations/regional states. I
present theoretical and empirical evidence to support this
statement. Finally, this paper advocates the need for a
greater normative and institutional refinement in
plurinational federal democracies. In order to achieve this,
it is necessary to introduce a deeper form of "ethical"
pluralism - which displays normative agonistic trends, as
well as a more "confederal/asymmetrical" perspective,
congruent with the national pluralism of these kind of
polities. 'What Does Independence Really Mean? The Case of Scotland' -
Professor Michael Keating, European Institute (Florence). 'Bi-Nationalism and Conflict Regulation in Northern Ireland:
Ten Years after the Good Friday Agreement' -
Dr Brendan O'Duffy,
Department of Politics, Queen Mary, University of London. Abstract The paper examines the bi-national
(British-Irish) ethos that underpins the
Good Friday Agreement and the wider peace process in
Northern Ireland. After considering the historical and
contemporary politics of conflict regulation in Northern
Ireland, the paper compares the merits of the bi-national
approach with the 'civic integrationist' and 'social
transformation' approaches advocated by Donald Horowitz and
Rupert Taylor, respectively. The paper argues that conflict
regulation has succeeded in Northern Ireland because the
principle of bi-nationalism has been integrated vertically
into the societal, governmental and state levels of
authority. The bi-national ethos itself has been pluralised
into acceptance of non-nationalist and non-unionist
discourses and affiliations, creating long-term potential
for the voluntary transcendence of British unionism and
Irish nationalism as primary allegiances 'Understated Nations: Anomalies or Solutions in the Modern
World?' - Professor David
McCrone, The School of Social and Political Studies,
University of Edinburgh. Abstract The conventional wisdom has been to treat
territories within states which considerable themselves to
be nations as anomalies in the modern world, the results of
inadequate incorporation into state structures in the 19111
and 20th centuries. Far from being anomalous, 'understated'
nations, i.e. those nations with substantial powers of
self-government without being fully 'independent', reflect
what Benedict Anderson referred to as the 'crisis of the
hyphen' for the so-called nation-state under pressure from
political, economic and cultural changes in the 21st
century. 'Quebec's Drive towards Autonomy and Recognition: the State
of Affairs in 2007' -
Professor Guy Laforest, Laval University, Quebec. |
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