I had also stated that this conclusion was reached on the basis of the current difficult situation our people face, taking into account the massive setbacks our freedom struggle had encountered in recent times, existing international environment, regional restrictive circumstances and the external factors that influence the existential realities in Tamil Eelam.
In accordance with the resolution that our leader had taken in Mullivaikkal, I had said that the next steps of our journey to win our goal of freedom will continue with silenced guns and through political and diplomatic means.
I also stated that this political position was an important one in the next steps of our struggle and that we will further explore this in this week�s pages.
After I had announced this new diplomatic path, some who had communicated with me asked me two intricately linked questions, which too are in my opinion, important for the pages this week.
Can we not continue the guerrilla warfare while we continued a diplomatic pursuit? Would that not create greater pressure on Sri Lanka and assist in the diplomatic process? These were the two questions.
First, I want to clearly state one thing.
After the incident at Mullivaikkal, the decision to take a political and diplomatic path was not taken by me alone. This decision was made in consultation with the military commanders who were in the field at that time and with other divisional cadres.
In the context of today�s world order, to pursue a military option while pushing forward with a political and diplomatic option are contrary to each other, similar to travelling in two different directions. This will cause many practical obstacles in moving to the next stage our freedom struggle that seeks to centralise the welfare of the people.
For the sake of an argument, let�s
assume that we take forward guerrilla
warfare.
What would be the consequences of this?
Let�s think through this.
These attacks will only expedite the genocide of the Tamil People by the Sri Lankan Government.
The immediate impact will be negatively reflected on the safety of 300,000 plus people in internment camps and the cadres while they are held captive.
The safety of the more than 10,000 freedom fighters who are being held, isolated and tortured in violation of all international protocols will become a question.
It will give way to the retention our people in the internment camps for long periods denying and weakening the potential to apply political and diplomatic pressure enabling the resettlement them in their homelands.
For the people who are already suffering, this will only make it worse. The duty of the nation of Tamil Eelam is to stand beside these people to rebuild their lives. As such, we cannot be a hindrance to these people rapidly being resettled in their own homes.
Furthermore, we would be aiding the Sri Lankan Government in its intentions, as it retains our people in internment camps, to dilute the majority status of the Tamils of the greater Vanni area through colonising and changing the demography and by changing the district borders.
We would be aiding and giving the opportunity for the Sri Lankan Government to militarise the Tamil areas for prolonged periods.
Sri Lanka Government�s actions to spread propaganda and take diplomatic moves against our freedom movement with the aim of dismantling and destabilising our diaspora structures that were built up for the purpose of strengthening the liberation struggle of the people of Tamil Eelam will be made easy.
Apart from this, due to the international attitude towards arms struggles conducted by non-state actors, we will not be effective in taking any political and diplomatic moves forward or be in a position to apply any political and diplomatic pressures against the Sri Lankan Government.
In contrast, taking forward the next phase of our freedom struggle based from the foundation that was achieved through the armed struggle, under the direction of our leader, would be the best option for a winnable outcome in light of today�s international relations, politics and economic positions.
What are these foundations? Our past armed struggle has instilled a strong sense of national collectiveness amongst our people. National self determination, Tamil Homeland and Tamil nation have been pushed forward as primary issues in our struggle. Both in our homeland and overseas, revolutionary thinking has been promoted on the concepts of state and sovereignty. It has created an opportunity for advocating the Tamil Nation beyond the chauvinistic agenda of the Sinhala State of Sri Lanka. The support for the Tamil Eelam cause has gained resounding momentum amongst the world Tamil community. We can list the foundations as such. Above all, our political position is nurtured by the Tamil Freedom Struggle built on the uncompromising sacrifices. From here on we need only be concerned about taking our struggle to the next phase.
Here, it is important for us to discern between the form of our struggle and the goal of our struggle and understand the link between the goal and form of the struggle. It is important that we use the best form of struggle that gives us the most benefit from time to time to reach our struggle�s goal. Our leader referred to this in 1987 as �our methods of struggle may change but not our goal�.
On the Indo Sri Lanka Accord
- - at Suthumalai Amman Temple Grounds, 4 August 1987
At this point in time, we cannot avoid changing our method of struggle to move forward our goal. It is important that we remain true and loyal to our people. It is on this basis is the change in our method of struggle is also important.
Some may question that in the past we had pursued our armed struggle while we moved forward our diplomatic manoeuvres. It is true. However, we cannot compare the prevailing situation of that time with that prevails now. The doors for politico-diplomatic opportunities then opened because of the historical Himalayan achievements that were made. These were achieved by surpassing insurmountable challenges and obstacles by our liberation movement and our leader who in the 1970s initiated our liberation movement with a single gun.
However, the international interests
and our interests did not meet on the
same axis, eventuating in our inability
to capitalise the benefits through the
doors that opened.
Eventually, the Sinhala government moved
forward the war harnessing the
international community on its side.
There were principally two reasons as to why benefits did not come our way through the open diplomatic doors.
1. On the basis of geo political interests in the regions of South Asia and the Indian Ocean, super powers such as India, US and China opted to safe guard their interests by keeping Sri Lanka as a single territorial entity. This gave way to an international position that was against our goal of Tamil Eelam.
2. The entire world had come to a common opinion that the armed struggle in the island should somehow come to an end. As a result it became impractical to gain international support for an armed struggle.
We now change our method of struggle, standing steadfast in our goal for freedom, taking in to consideration the prevailing circumstances in our homeland and measuring the international situation.
Through this stand we avoid one of the obstacles that we mentioned earlier. However, we cannot retreat from our goal of Tamil Eelam because the world refuses to accept at this current point.
In a world that moves fast, changes in the world order will continue to happen. These changes will also bring about circumstances that will open doors for the freedom of the people of Tamil Eelam.
These changes will also pave the way for the failure of world powers achieving their geo-political interests, preserving the territorial integrity of Sri Lanka as a single country. At that point in time, the opportunities for us to establish our state Tamil Eelam will also rise. With this conviction, we should take forward our freedom struggle through politico-diplomatic means.
To travel through the path of politico-diplomacy is also not easy. This is a very long journey that needs to be travelled with immense patience confronting many challenges. The political working programme needed for this journey is very important. We will meet again next week (05.08.2009) to discuss these points.
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Thank you. We will meet again next week.
Respectfully
KP
29.07.2009
