WAR WAGED BY INDIA - IPKF IN
JAFFNA
Eduardo Marino Report to International
Alert [see also Rajiv Gandhi's War
Crimes]
Some
Observations and Conclusions
following a trip to Jaffna Peninsula in
November 1987
"Over a period of about
20 days, the Indian Army's direct
attack on LTTE positions, and
defence from LTTE attacks, was
coupled with the Indian Army's
attack and storming of still
unevacuated Jaffna - and many
villages and settlements throughout
the Peninsula - with widespread
(insofar as territory),
indiscriminate (insofar as
targeting) and sustained (insofar
as intensity) artillery
shelling. Only less widespread,
sustained and indiscriminate, there
was air-strafing from helicopter as
well. It was not "cross-fire"
that incidentally killed thousands
of civilians. The majority were
killed unavoidably inside their
houses and huts under shelling, or
were shot at random by the roads
and on the streets. A large
number of people were "only"
wounded - yet, many of them died in
the absence of medical care,
especially under the 24-hour curfew
over a period of about one month,
to mid-November..."
From Peace Keeping to
War Fighting Indiscriminate
Attack Forcible Evacuation
Strategy and its
Results War Calamities or
Crimes ? The Guerrilla
Terrorism
Refugees
Civil Administration
Tactics of
Occupation Army Brinkmanship
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FROM PEACE-KEEPING TO
WAR-FIGHTING
With its epicentre in Jaffna, an
accumulation of political and military
events and incidents over the preceding
nine-week period erupted into armed
hostilities between the Indian Army and the
Tamil LTTE on 9th October 1987. Regardless
of diplomatic rhetoric political intention
or journalistic commentary, as from that
day, the Indian Peace-Keeping Force, IPKF,
became operationally a war fighting
military force and - as time has passed and
the situation evolved - also a force of
military occupation, at least in the
Northern Province. To continue
calling it a "peace-keeping" operation is a
misnomer.
There is no standard conventional
definition of military peacekeeping.
However, out of about 40 years of
experience -chiefly by the United Nations
in all continents - a consensus has formed
about the minimum and common features to be
found with a genuine military Peace-Keeping
operation. Namely: the Peace-Keeping force
is provisional; it is politically impartial
vis a vis the warring parties; it may use
force only in self-defence; therefore it
does not have enforcement powers a In other
words: it is not designed to become another
party to the conflict but a new force
in-between the existing parties to the
conflict and accepted by all of
them.
INDISCRIMINATE
ATTACK
Over a period of about 20 days,
the Indian Army's direct attack on LTTE
positions, and defence from LTTE attacks,
was coupled with the Indian Army's attack
and storming of still unevacuated Jaffna -
and many villages and settlements
throughout the Peninsula - with widespread
(insofar as territory), indiscriminate
(insofar as targeting) and sustained
(insofar as intensity) artillery shelling.
Only less widespread, sustained and
indiscriminate, there was air-strafing from
helicopter as well. It was not "cross-fire"
that incidentally killed thousands of
civilians. The majority were killed
unavoidably inside their houses and huts
under shelling, or were shot at random by
the roads and on the streets. A large
number of people were "only" wounded - yet,
many of them died in the absence of medical
care, especially under the 24-hour curfew
over a period of about one month, to
mid-November.
It was a combination of firing and
shelling, and - only later the explicit
Indian Army command to the population to
evacuate Jaffna town and other places, that
made an estimated 175,000 families ( that
is, about 500,000 people ) refugees into
the Jaffna outskirts within days. The
situation became grotesquely hopeless for
many people in some areas : while the
curfew was being rigorously enforced - that
is, with an order in place to shoot-to-kill
pedestrians -the inhabitants were
simultaneously ordered out of their houses
into the outskirt concentrations an absurd
operational overlapping inevitably leaving
a good number dead.
FORCIBLE
EVACUATION
The population was not adequately
warned nor given time for preparations, and
the places to which they were referred
(three improvised "camps" took the bulk of
the people, one of them a big Hindu temple
crammed with an estimated no less than
40000) had not been prepared with the bare
minimum hygiene facilities as foreseen by
the Law of War, not to mention
drinking-water, food, medicine and
lighting. There is no reason whatsoever to
attribute any criminal intent here to any
political or military actor - the
governments of India and of Sri Lanka, in
this case.
On the other hand, we do not find
room for doubt about the rushed, callous
and short-sighted improvisation of non
defensive military operation of this
magnitude. The attack, and the violent
pressure to make so many people move out
quickly, demanded much more military
planning and military administration than
was displayed in the Jaffna Peninsula in
October/November. To do it much better was
imperative not only for humanitarian
reasons but also for the sake of military
logic. In general, by acting without due
regard for the non-combatant population,
armies alienate friends and potential
allies, create new enemies and harden
existing ones. Evidently, the Sri Lankan
Army and Police forces did it over the
years. Not in every negative respect, yet
with a similar self-damaging effect, the
Indian Army in Sri Lanka has now matched
them.
STRATEGY AND ITS
RESULTS
Again - insofar the post-9 October
period - the central fact is that the
Indian Army attacked Jaffna, and many other
populated places throughout the Peninsula,
shelling and firing massively and
indiscriminately rather than at the LTTE
selectively. Why did they do this ? For
three interrelated reasons, one may
conclude: physically it is very difficult
to target the LTTE exclusively as it is
such a part of the Tamil population;
secondly, to "soften" ( Indian officers'
terminology ), and thereafter controlling
the whole of the population with a view to
squeezing the LTTE out; and, thirdly, to
minimise casualties on the side of the
Indian Army by maximising inactivity on the
entire Tamil side. What have the Indian
Army wanted to achieve ? They have stated
it clearly : to disarm about 3000
guerrillas, killing them if necessary, and
to capture their arsenals and ammunition
depots. In short : to impose peace
militarily once they could not obtain it
politically. They have not managed that
either yet. It will be achieved "at any
price", the Chief of Staff of the Indian
Army was quoted saying early in December.
How high "any price" will ultimately come
to be is impossible to foresee. Whatever
the price, it is much easier to see that it
-will be paid, in various proportions, by
everyone directly involved. This way there
won't be winners.
In the North, the military result
has been that the LTTE guerrilla has been
dislodged - as distinct from destroyed or
disarmed - from their main position, Jaffna
town. Other consequences have included :
material ruin for much of the population
all over the Province; physical and moral
suffering for no less than 1 million
people, including thousands of civilian
casualties counting both killed and
wounded; real or lasting peace for none
among the Tamils so far.
To suggest that "normalcy" has
returned to Jaffna is to add lie to injury
- the normalcy of absolute martial rule by
India and the legality of the Emergency
Regulations of Sri Lanka ? Is this the
"return to normal" that some Government
officials and press persons - and in
particular diplomats abroad - have referred
to, especially on the eve of the meeting of
foreign aid donors in Paris on 4 December ?
As regards her side, the Indian Army has
lost hundreds of men to mining,
booby-trapping r sniping and open attacks
by the LTTE, and over one thousand more
wounded and maimed Indian soldiers have
been evacuated. In addition, India has been
incurring the war operational costs of - at
this point - no less than 35.000 active
men, in comparison with the cost of no more
than 15.000 passive ones during the early
weeks of peace-keeping in August and
September.
For military reasons, besides
firing and shelling, there has. been
considerable burning of houses and huts -
massively in some rural localities - by the
Indian infantry : so as to deny the Tamil
guerrillas fighting positions and
hiding-places, especially on the sides of
roads and other routes feasible for army
convoys. That is, plain anti-guerrilla
warfare as it is known elsewhere in the
world; again, no resemblance with a
peace-keeping operation.
WAR CALAMITIES OR
CRIMES ?
On top of everything else there
has been the "unmilitary" or "unsoldiery"
side of events :- wanton killings out of
rage, reprisals against non-combatant;,
looting of homes of middle and wealthier
classes, soldier's assault of women, a
murderous attack on the main hospital
victimising both patients and medical
personnel, and killing of a number of
unarmed and disarmed guerrilla suspects
without trial according to the Law of War.
The Jaffna population acknowledge the
efforts of the officers of the Indian Army
to restrain their men, and the disciplinary
measures that have been taken in a few
instances. They say : "India" did not come
to do "all this". ''They'' have done it
nevertheless. Resentment is deep and
universal.
THE
GUERRILLA
The Indo-Sri Lankan Accord of 29
July 1987 acknowledges the Tamil guerrillas
as "combatants". For the Sri Lankan press,
including the governmental press supporting
the Accord, the Tamil LTTE are invariably
"terrorists", but never so far for India,
neither when she was housing and training
Emil "militants", nor now when she has to
fight a "recalcitrant" LTTE challenging her
military might. For most Tamils in the
Tamil provinces they seem to be "the boys".
For everyone - foe and sympathiser, locally
and internationally - as much as for
themselves, they are the "tigers". In the
broad picture of modern history they are
going to be classified probably as ruthless
romantic popular nationalists. Which may
explain why both liberals and Marxists -
including Tamils --find themselves at odds
with the LTTE. The former object to the
LTTE's almost exclusively militaristic
methods, the latter also to their political
nationalistic religiousness. To label
warriors is part of war itself.
How one calls them may define
one's own political stand or viewpoint in a
particular war. There is another level :
radically human, it could be said, where
regardless of history, and above politics,
warriors are what they do and how they do
it. Their behaviour and performance may
demonstrate what their political position
and program cannot. On this level, close
observation on the frontlines becomes more
important than remote abstraction. So, our
conclusion is that the Tamil tigers are
combatants - in the sense of the Law of War
( and the Indo-Sri Lankan July 87 Accord )
- who besides combating honourably have
also committed politically motivated
inexcusable criminal acts in the sense of
most religions and systems of law. They are
selfless killers. They are not selfish
criminals. This is why Sri Lanka suffers
from communal war and not Mafia
strife.
TERRORISM .
In characterising the Tamil
guerrilla, if terrorists are to be called
those who have had recourse to terrorist
acts, then everyone who has done so should
be called a terrorist. It is simply a
dishonesty to confine the use of the term -
as some newspapers and politicians mainly
in Colombo do - to Tamil guerrillas, while
remaining silent regarding dozens of
officers and hundreds of soldiers and
policemen from the Sinhalese community
whose acts, over the years, have been well
documented. Everyone knows but not everyone
acknowledges that the war in Sri Lanka was
escalated by a symbiotic relation between
anti-Tamil and anti-Sinhalese terrorism. It
is to the credit of the military
intervention of India that it has
interrupted such a vicious process.
However, from interruption to eradication,
there is a gap still to be
bridged.
REFUGEES
Following guerrilla dislodgement -
some Tigers retreated southwards into the
jungle, others eastwards in the direction
of Batticaloa, or surrendered or have been
captured while still others have stayed
relatively or intermittently inactive
mingled with the population - the Indian
Army occupied Jaffna, fortified their
positions, searched for arms thoroughly
and, recently, started to try to organise a
civil-military administration. t Once they
felt in full territorial control and were
in possession of the weaponry left behind
by the LTTE, then they asked the population
to return home. An estimated 50.000 - about
ten per cent - found no home to return to.
They became the genuine homeless refugees,
as distinct from the earlier
forcibly-evacuated half a million. To make
this distinction may be significant on
account of its effects : one of the issues
which could be - discussed is the extent to
which people are entitled to war
compensation as a matter of law, and not
merely to charitable relief as a matter of
humanitarian concern.
CIVIL
ADMINISTRATION
As to the attempt to set up a new
Tamil administration in the Northern
Province, up to now the Indian Army has not
succeeded. Any Tamil person accepting a
post would become an LTTE target for
assassination as "collaborator". The active
resistance from the guerrilla is reinforced
by the passive resistance from at least
large sectors of the population. It may be
grossly unfair to India to treat her
pacification effort as if her aim was to
subjugate the Tamils of Sri Lanka. The fact
is, nevertheless, that, after having been
attacked, they do not want to comply with
her design that they had not only accepted
but welcomed before having been
attacked.
TACTICS OF
OCCUPATION ARMY
There are many people who believe
that intelligence personnel have been
working under the guise of the Indian Red
Cross : to obtain information from the
people about the LTTE in the course of
distributing relief in and outside the
refugee camps. In general, the motive of
many a relief action, including food
distribution, by the Indian Army has been
in question : "win the stomachs" tactic,-
it could be called. This is in contrast
with the-situation, only five months back,
when the Indian food air-dropping at the
time of the siege of Jaffna by the Sri
Lankan Army was received by the Tamils with
utmost gratitude, as a gift from Mother
India in a moment of grave need. This time
they need it no less, yet they call it
"morsels from an occupation
army".
Indian Intelligence services in
Tamil Nadu, and the IPKF in Sri Lanka,
have been making use of the rivalry and
violent bickering between the LTTE and
the other Tamil militant groups.
Moreover, India has obviously exacerbated
the intra-Tamil militant conflict by
rewarding materially - offering to do it
politically in future as well - the
assistance received from PLOTE, TELO and
EPRLF to identify LTTE members living
underground with the population, and also
in the refugee camps - a process of
identification that the recently arrived
Indian soldiers cannot obviously do. This
is one of the oldest classical tactics by
occupation armies, and still another
clear indication of the war fighting
rather than peacekeeping nature of the
current Indian campaign in Sri
Lanka.
It is understandable that some of
the past victims of the LTTE's murderous
craving for monopoly power should seek to
profit now from such an under-cover
opportunity to take revenge. At the same
time, the Tamil People by and large seem to
resent such a fratricidal mercenarisation
of their youngsters, which corrupts a
situation already vile enough. Also,
information-gathering tactics such as the
use of relief and recourse to
mercenarisation suggest that the population
has not been volunteering information to
the Indian Army which, in turn, may suggest
either or both of two things : that by and
large the Tamil population has turned, if
only passively, against the Indian Army,
and that popular support for the LTTE is
more solid and widespread that anyone
anywhere seems to want to
acknowledge.
This includes the notion of the
LTTE's capacity to induce support or
complicity through coercion - a capacity
reinforced at bottom by the admiration that
its tough uncompromising action awakens in
many Tamils, especially in Jaffna.
Otherwise, more probably, even without
Indian Intelligence efforts, the Tigers
would have already been wiped
out.
BRINKMANSHIP
India's stand - at the end of l987
- is that the Tamil tigers must
unconditionally surrender militarily, and
politically accept the Indo-Sri Lankan
Accord - or, otherwise, face relentless
persecution, attack and, sooner or later,
extermination. In other words, the Indian
Government (nowadays absorb at one voice
with the Sri Lankan Government) in
demanding from the Tamil guerrillas
:
1. stop fighting : you may go into
politics within Sri Lanka;
2. forget about Tamil Eelam
outside Sri Lanka : Tamils will get some
autonomy in the Northern Province and may
(may not) obtain likewise in Eastern
Province.
Whereas the LTTE's stand has been
oscillating between an offer (at times
desperately) to lay down arms conditionally
- once Tamil autonomy in North and East is
well secured, and a reaffirmation (often
defiantly) of the original commitment to
fight uncompromisingly : until Tamil Eelam
is gained, with them on top.
Both Maj.Gen.H Singh of the Indian
Army in Sri Lanka and guerrilla commander
V.Prabakharan of the Tamil Tigers are on
record recently declaring, each one from
his own side : " we will achieve our
objective at any price ". Their objectives
being incompatible, then, if they mean what
they say, the continuation of the war
becomes very logical. As to its outcome, it
is uncertain. What is clear, nevertheless,
is that as long as the Indian Army and the
Tamil guerrilla continue fighting, both
India and the Tamils will continue losing.
Sri Lanka will not win either.
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