CONTENTS OF
THIS SECTION
19/09/09

Velupillai Prabakaran (right) and Anton S. Balasingham at a press conference in Kilinochchi on 10 April 2002

Books

One Hundred Tamils of the 20th Century

Anton S.Balasingham

"மூன்று தசாப்தங்களாக எங்களின் இலக்குக்கும் சர்வதேச செல்நெறிக்கும் இடையேயான இடைவெளியில் போர்புரிந்த போர் வீரன்" பாலா அண்ணா! - Nathan, Geneva, 14 December 2006

உலகத் தமிழ் மக்களை உலுக்கி காலமாகிவிட்ட தமிழீழத்தின் மதியுரைஞர் பாலா அண்ணைக்கு "தேசத்தின் குரல்" எனும் மாபெரும் கௌரவத்தை தமிழீழத் தேசியத் தலைவர் மேதகு வேலுப்பிள்ளை பிரபாகரன் அறிவித்துள்ளார்.

தமிழீழ விடுதலைப் புலிகளின் தலைமைச் செயலகம் வெளியிட்ட அறிக்கை:

தலைமைச்செயலகம்,
தமிழீழ விடுதலைப் புலிகள்,
தமிழீழம்
2006-12-14

எமது சுதந்திர இயக்கத்தின் அரசியல் இராஜதந்திர நகர்வுகளில் எனக்குப் பக்கபலமாக இருந்து செயற்பட்ட எமது தேசத்தின் ஒளிவிளக்கு இன்று அணைந்துவிட்டது. ஆலோசனை வேண்டி, ஆறுதல் தேடி ஓடுவதற்கு பாலாண்ணை இன்று என்னுடன் இல்லை. இவரது மறைவு எனக்கு மாத்திரமல்ல தமிழீழ தேசத்திற்கே இட்டுநிரப்பமுடியாத பேரிழப்பு.

பிறப்பிற்கும் இறப்பிற்கும் இடையே விரியும் காலமாக மனிதவாழ்வு நிலைக்கிறது. இந்த வாழ்வுக்காலம் எல்லா மனிதர்களுக்கும் ஒரேமாதிரியாக, ஒத்ததாக, ஒருசீராக அமைவதில்லை. காலச்சீரற்றதாக ஒருவருக்குக் கூடி, மற்றவருக்குக் குறுகி, இன்னொருவருக்கு அதிகம் நெடுத்து கூடிக்குறைந்து செல்கிறது. துரதிஸ்டவசமாக, பாலாண்ணையினது வாழ்வு இடைநடுவில் நின்றுபோய்விட்டது. தீவிரம்பெற்றுள்ள எமது விடுதலைப்போருக்கு அவர் நிறையப் பணிகளை ஆற்றவேண்டியிருக்கின்ற தருணத்தில் அவருக்கு மரணம் சம்பவித்திருக்கிறது. இதனை என்னால் ஏற்றுக்கொள்ளமுடியவில்லை. துயரத்தின் சுமை என் ஆன்மாவை அழுத்துகிறது. என் உள்ளத்தை உடைத்து, நெஞ்சத்தைப் பிளக்கிறது. கட்டுக்கடங்காத காட்டாறு போல சீறிப்பாயும் உணர்ச்சிப் பெருவெள்ளத்தை என்னால் வார்த்தைகளால் கொட்டமுடியாது. மனித மொழியில் இதற்கு இடமுமில்லை.

பழக ஆரம்பித்த நாள் முதலே எமக்கிடையே ஒரு இனம்புரியாத புரிந்துணர்வு ஏற்பட்டது. அந்தப் புரிந்துணர்வால் எழும் பற்றுறவால் பிணைந்துகொண்டு, எமது உறவு நல்லுறவாக வளர்ந்து நட்புறவாகப் பரிணமித்தது. சிந்தனையாலும் செயலாலும் ஒன்றுபட்ட மனிதர்களின் சங்கமமாக அந்த உறவு மலர்ந்தது. தினம்தினம் நாம் பகிர்ந்துகொண்ட வாழ்பனுபவத்தில் வலிமைபெற்று வளர்ந்தது. சாதாரண மனித உறவுகளிலிருந்து இது முற்றிலும் வேறுபட்டது. காலத்தால் கனிந்து, வரலாற்றால் வடிவம் பெற்ற ஒரு அலாதியான இலட்சிய உறவு அது.

பாலாண்ணையை நான் ஆழமாக நேசித்தேன். விடுதலை இயக்கம் என்ற மாபெரும் குடும்பத்தில் ஒரு மூத்த தலைமகனாக பிதாமகனாக மூன்று தசாப்தங்கள் வாழ்ந்தவர் அவர். நானும் அவரை அப்படித்தான் நோக்கினேன். ஒரு குடும்பமாக ஒன்றுசேர்ந்து ஒத்திசைவாக ஒன்றித்திருந்த நாட்களில் அவர் ஒரு சாதாரண மனிதப்பிறவி அல்ல என்பதைக் கண்டுகொண்டேன். மோசமாகச் சுகவீனமுற்று தினம்தினம் சாவோடு போராடியபோதும், தாங்கமுடியாத உடல்உபாதைகளால் வருந்தியபோதும், தளர்ந்துபோகாத உறுதிப்பாடு அவரிடம் இருந்தது. அவரின் இந்த இலட்சிய உறுதி எனது நெஞ்சத்தைத் தொட்டுநின்றது. அவர் துன்பத்தால் துவண்டபோதெல்லாம் எனது ஆன்மாவும் கலங்கியழுதது.

எமது இயக்கத்தின் வளர்ச்சியிலும் அதன் இன்றைய விரிவாக்கத்திலும் பாலாண்ணைக்கு ஒரு நிரந்தரமான இடம் இருக்கிறது. ஒரு மூத்த அரசியல் போராளியாக, ஒரு மதியுரைஞராக, ஒரு தத்துவாசிரியராக எல்லாவற்றுக்கும் மேலாக எனது உற்ற நண்பனாக இருந்து எனக்கு ஊக்கமும் உத்வேகமும் அளித்தவர். ஆலோசனையும் ஆறுதலும் தந்தவர். எனது உணர்வுகளைப் பகிர்ந்துகொண்டு, எனது பழுக்களையும் பங்கிட்டுக்கொண்டவர். எமது விடுதலை இயக்கம் தோற்றம்பெற்ற ஆரம்பகாலம் முதல் என்னோடு இருந்து, எல்லாச் சோதனைகளையும் வேதனைகளையும் சவால்களையும் சங்கடங்களையும் தாங்கிக்கொண்டவர். எமது அரசியல் இராஜதந்திர முன்னெடுப்புக்களுக்கு மூலாதாரமாக, முன்னால் நின்று செயற்பட்டவர்.

ஈழத்தமிழினம் பெருமைகொள்ளும் வகையில் அரசியல் உலகிலும் இராஜதந்திர உலகிலும் அளப்பெரும் சாதனைகள் புரிந்து, எமது தேசசுதந்திரப் போராட்டத்தை உலக அரங்கில் முன்னிறுத்திய பாலாண்ணையின் மாபெரும் போராட்டப்பணிக்கு மதிப்பளித்து "தேசத்தின் குரல்" என்ற மாபெரும் கௌரவப்பட்டத்தை அவருக்கு வழங்குவதில் நான் பெருமையடைகிறேன். பாலாண்ணை உண்மையில் எம்மைவிட்டுப் போகவில்லை. அவர் எமது நினைவலைகளில் என்றும் நீங்காத நினைவுகளாக நிலைத்து நிற்பார்.

புலிகளின் தாகம் தமிழீழத் தாயகம்

வே. பிரபாகரன்
தலைவர்
தமிழீழ விடுதலைப் புலிகள்

For many years too I lived in his birthplace, Jaffna, the cultural capital of the Tamil people in tile Northeastern part of Sri Lanka, otherwise known as Tamil Eelam. I became immersed in the trials and tribulations, joys and celebrations of a people in the throes of a struggle to survive against a sophisticated manifestation of genocide. Subsequently, for the past twenty-three years of my life I have been exposed to extraordinary and unique experiences. In the first place.

I am the only foreign person who has lived with shared and witnessed the people's horrendous experience of' state oppression and attempted genocide, and the complex domains of their heroic, sustained and astoundingly ingenious resistance against what would appear to be insurmountable, will breaking odds. More than two decades of my life with the Tamil people has been an honour also, for two reasons.

Firstly, to be witness to the growth and development of the organisation spearheading the struggle for the freedom of a people - the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam - and to share in and witness the phenomenal historical struggle and the incredible sacrifices made by the organisation's cadres.

Secondly, and more importantly, this liberation movement. and the people as a whole trusted me, respected me and revealed to an 'outsider' their inner soul. That my experience with the Tamil people has been profound was probably best conveyed by a Tamil lady friend, who, in conversation under the coolness of the graceful limbs of a mango tree on her farm in Visvamadu, Vanni, suddenly referred to me as `the white Tamil'.

When I met Balasingham and fell in love with him more than two decades ago, I could not even begin to imagine my life would unfold the way it did. Undeniably the very act of marrying a man from a socio-cultural environment, which is in virtual contradiction to my own, prescribed at least a different `ordinary' marriage. So how did it come about that two people from two different cultures could meet on a common ground of marriage? It could not have been simply physical attraction: if that were so the relationship would not have been so intense and intimate. So what was it that united us and took me down such an extraordinary path with him?

Although Balasingham remains, in essence, the man I married all those years ago, time and circumstances have worked on him to make him the thinker and personality he is today. A quarter of a century ago, the man I married was what I would call a 'religious man'; a 'religious' man not in the sense of adhering to institutionalised religions and observing what he viewed as their primitive rituals and practices, but rather a man concerned with righteousness, goodness and humanism.

Bala, thirty six years of age when we first met, had read widely on Eastern philosophical thought, in particular Indian Vedanta philosophy, and he had taken a special interest in the teachings of the Buddha. Indecd, Buddhist philosophy fascinated him so much in his younger days that he visitcd Buddhist scholars in Sri Lanka for exploratory philosophical elucidations. He has also given talks on Buddhism in public forums. As a serious student of Buddhist philosophy, he became deeply disillusioned with the Sri Lankan brand of Buddhism, which, according to him, has been polluted and perverted by racist and chauvinist ideology. But it was his experience of personal tragedy which evoked tremendous reflection, and brought him into confrontation with himself and the philosophies he had so passionately pursued.

His concern for righteousness and goodness was literally put to the test when his first wife became extremely ill with chronic renal failure, ending with her requiring life sustaining haemodialysis. The emotional and mental strain of observing and caring for his beautiful young wife teetering on the brink of death by chronic disease invoked in Bala profound philosophical introspection about the self and the human world.

The disintegration and transformation of the human form as a consequence of serious physical illness. and, most importantly, the constant confrontation with death made him reflect deeply on the meaning behind human existence. Unique experiences, and reflections on those experiences, made him a wise man and rooted him in the real world as n rationalist.

Furthermore, this "as a morally challenging period in Bala's life and a test of his strength of character as he struggled to cope with severe economic hardship and meet the emotional and health needs of his terminally ill partner. The many socio-economic problems he faced and overcame throughout this chapter of his life stretched all dimensions of his being to capacity, and he ultimately came to view goodness and righteousness not as words culled from the pages of books or something indoctrinated into us, but rather, as a harmonised faculty of mind and action emanating from our essential being. Sadly, his wife succumbed to her illness after five years of haemodialysis: much of it carried out at home. It was during this highly demanding period his own mortality stared him in the face - diabetes was diagnosed.

Subsequently, out of this exploration and reflection of the dynamics of the personal self came this rather unique personality which I could only describe as `religious'. And it was this `religious' type of personality I knew I had been hoping to find in a partner.

But I prefer to use a different term and describe the man I met and who became my husband as what I called a `real' human being. Bala was, when I met him, most things I hoped the man I married would be; mature, wise, mentally strong and most importantly, caring. By wise I did not mean an intellectual and by mentally strong I did not mean 'macho', overbearing or aggressive. I was hoping to meet that exceptional human being who is humble but not weak: who is simple but yet deep; who is assertive but not egoic; who is confident but not arrogant; who was generous; who is proud but not vain; a person who is not selfish and thoughtless. That was the man I met all those years ago, and I knew Balasingham was for me within a few weeks of our first meeting.

A dimension of his `religious' bent was a lack of concern for conventional lifestyles, saving, and all those other things that ordinary folks are supposed to do. This lack of concern for material security did, of course, put us into financial bankruptcy, but somehow or other Bala always managed what little money we had so that we lived to love and enjoy another day.

In his search for answers about life and truth, Bala also consumed volumes of works in the Western philosophical tradition. But one of the major influences which counter balanced his `religious' leanings was Marxism and neo-Marxist thought, which he was well versed in, and about which he formulated his own many reservations and criticisms. That philosophy should `change the world' was one of the aspects of Marxism which did appeal to him as opposed to philosophy as the stuff of ivory tower intellects or as thought systems incomprehensible or unrealisable within the `normal' human potential.

Bala, I would say, was walking the fine line between these two apparently contradictory philosophical conceptions concerning the way forward to an elevated humanity. On the one hand Eastern philosophy prioritised individual subjective transformation as an essential condition for the redemption of human beings, which he knew to be idealistic, and on the other hand, socialist thought, with its emphasis on political praxis through collective action, appeared to offer greater potential for real transformation in the human condition.

In the interlude prior to his total immersion into revolutionary politics he attempted to marry this apparent division between subjective and objective approaches to human development by embarking on a difficult doctorate of philosophy thesis that involved a theoretical marriage between Marx and Freud.

But the demands of the revolutionary politics of the national liberation struggle of his people constantly intervened in his research and teaching. A time came when he was compelled to choose between an academic life and revolutionary politics. He chose the latter for he viewed the cause of his people as just and to serve that cause was meaningful.

So it was this progressive and mature personality I loved. It was able to cope with and was instrumental in 'filling out' my somewhat immature and unrealised personality.

Retrospectively one of the most crucial contributions Bala made to the growth of my personality was to help me to learn to put my subtle feelings and emotions into precise words. Bala's wider intelligence and personal experience, including his psychoanalytic knowledge, teased out my inarticulated 'feelings' stifled by inhibitions and brought them into cognition.

Subsequently, for the first time in my life I was able to reveal the deeper `secret' side of myself and relate on an intensely intimate, uninhibited level. This improved ability to manage language inevitably widened my potential and scope for relationships, writing and conversation.

And so my relationship with Bala deepened and generated happiness and contentment in me. Just being with him seemed to be all that was necessary and the restless, discontented person, immersed in a mundane world characterised by consumerism and materialism faded away to the priority of an enduring, intimate relationship with another human being.

Our wedding on 1st September 1978 was a simple, uncomplicated, formal affair with the five-minute ceremony officiated by a bureaucrat at the registry office in Brixton, South London. This social obligation had been delayed by one week. We decided to marry and hoped to complete the formalities the following day but we didn't have the required amount of money for a 24 hours notice service, we did have enough for the next best thing: a one week booking. Apart from informing a few close friends and relatives, we didn't mention our forthcoming wedding to anyone.

As far as I was concerned, the wedding was a private commitment between us. Nevertheless, in a community where nothing remains secret for very long, the story leaked and in the evening a crowd gathered, cooked a wedding dinner of hot goat meat curry with plenty of whisky to wash it down and kicked up their heels at a fairly rowdy party. My 'bridal' outfit constituted a brown corduroy skirt and printed blouse, which I rushed to purchase just two hours before the ceremony. In this marriage I was lucky enough to enter into a partnership with - for want of a better cliche - my `soulmate'. I suppose it was this fundamental profound relationship which smoothed over the inevitable bumpy times in our relationship.

But marrying Balasingham is one thing: getting involved in a revolutionary struggle is another. 1 could have, had I been inclined after marriage, taken a different path and attempted to sway Bala in another direction. But I didn't. So why did I opt for the political path and involvement in the Tamil people's struggle? While it is true that in our early relationship Bala helped to `stabilise' or ground me in a more serious world, I will never countenance any suggestion that I was simply a tabula rasa upon which ideas were neatly and indelibly scribed. Nor did I simply jump from London into India or Sri Lanka into circumstances beyond my comprehension, moved like a naive nymph who danced to the sweet chords plucked from the strings of her lover's serenading harp; nor did I plunge from one mindset to another.

My involvement in politics and the liberation struggle of the Tamil people involved a process of mental and emotional development and a transformation of ideas and thinking or, to be more precise, a process of personal growth. The burgeoning of my personality was certainly facilitated when I left the sheltered life behind me on the shores of Australia and entered into the 'big' world of England and Europe.

Or, as far as I am concerned, when my mind started to break down its parochial resistance. Exposure to global humanity - which one finds in England - challenged my socialised self, fed me with new perceptions, lifestyles and thoughts and ultimately radicalised my views and my perception of the world. My husband contributed to this process, anchored me in unconventionality and provided me with an unfettered emotional security in a way that enriched my life more than I could possibly have imagined or expected.

பாலா அண்ணா!
மூன்று தசாப்தங்களாக எங்களின் இலக்குக்கும் சர்வதேச செல்நெறிக்கும் இடையேயான இடைவெளியில் போர்புரிந்த போர் வீரன்

பாலா அண்ணா போய்விட்டார்!

தமிழீழ விடுதலைப் போரின் மொழிக்கும் - சர்வதேச உறவாடலுக்கும் வடிவம் கொடுத்த தேசியதலைவர் பிரபாகரனின் மூத்த தோழன் பாலா அண்ணாவை சாவு பிரித்துவிட்டது!

தன்னுடலால் அழிந்து - அழியாத தமிழீழ விடுதலை வரலாற்றில் பாலா அண்ணா இடம்பிடித்துவிட்டார்.

சாவும் - இழப்பும் தமிழீழ மக்களின் சமகால வரலாற்றில் செறிவான தினசரி நிகழ்வாகியுள்ள போதும் இந்த மனிதரின் சாவு இதயத்தினுள் ஒரு இடைவெளியினை ஏற்படுத்துகின்றது.

மூன்று தசாப்தங்களாக எங்கள் தேசிய விடுதலை இலட்சியத்திற்கு உழைத்தவர்!
மூன்று தசாப்தங்களாக எங்கள் தேசியத்தின் குரலாகப் பேசியவர்!
மூன்று தசாப்தங்களாக எங்கள் தலைவரின் சகாவாக வாழ்ந்தவர்!
மூன்று தசாப்தங்களாக எங்களின் இலக்குக்கும் சர்வதேச செல்நெறிக்கும் இடையேயான இடைவெளியில் போர்புரிந்தவர்!
மூன்று தசாப்தங்களாக எழுத்தால் எங்களை புதுப்பித்தவர்!
மூன்று தசாப்தங்களாக பேச்சால் எங்களை உயிர்ப்பித்தவர்!

இந்தகைய மூன்று தாசாப்த சரித்திரத்தின் வரலாற்றுப் பாத்திரத்தை எங்களிமிருந்து இயற்கை பறித்த உண்மையை ஏற்றுக் கொள்ள இதயம் தயங்குகின்றது.

தமிழர் விடுதலைப் போரிற்கு பாலா அண்ணரின் பங்களிப்பு என்ன என்ற கேள்வி அர்த்தமற்றது. ஏனெனில் அவர் விடுதலைப் போரிற்குள் முழுமையாக வாழந்தவர் என்பதில் அனைத்துமே அடங்கிவிடுகின்றது. ஆனாலும்;, பாலா அண்ணா என்றால் அவரது ஆழமான எழுத்தும் - நிறைவான பேச்சுமே எங்கள் நினைவில் பதிவாகியுள்ளது.

தமிழர் விடுதலை இயக்கத்தின் தத்துவப் பேராசானாக அனைவராலும் அவர் மதிக்கப்பட்டார். தமிழீழ தேசிய விடுதலை தொடர்பாக 1970களில் எழுத ஆரம்பித்தார். தேசிய சுயநிர்ணய உரிமை தொடர்பான அனைத்துலக விவாதப் தேடலுக்குள் தமிழீழ விடுதலையின் நியாயங்களை இணைத்து விவாதித்தார். தமிழீழ விடுதலைப் போரின் நியாயங்களுக்குள் நிலவிய உலக முற்போக்கு விசையின் கூறுகளை எடுத்து விளக்கினார் சிங்கள அடக்குமுறையினுள் பொதிந்து கிடந்த வெறுக்கத்தக்க பெருந்தேசியவாத இருளை சுட்டிக்காட்டினார்.

தனது இயல்பான - செழுமையான அரசியல் மொழியூடாக போராளிகளையும், மக்களையும் தேசத்தையும் அரசியல் வழியில் பயிற்றுவித்தார். தேசிய மாவீரர் நாளில் தேசிய தலைவர் ஆற்றும் உரையின் விரிவாக்கவுரையை சுமார் 5 வருடங்களாக தொடர்ந்து இலண்டனில் மேற்கொண்ட போது மற்றுமொரு புதிய தளத்திற்கு புலிகள் இயக்கத்தின் புலத்து அரசியல் தொடர்பாடலை நகர்த்தினாhர்.

விடுதலைப் போராட்ட அரசியலும், சர்வதேச இராஐதந்திரத்திற்கும் இடையேயுள்ள இடைவெளியினை அளந்து - அளந்து கடந்து செல்ல பாலா அண்ணா கடுமையாக உழைத்தார்.

அமெரிக்க வெளிவிவகார பிரதியமைச்சர் றிச்சட் ஆமிர்ரெஐ;, பிரித்தானிய சர்வதேச உதவிகளுக்கான அமைச்சர் உட்பட பலர் முன்னே நோர்வே ஒஸ்லோ கொடைவழங்கும் நாடுகளுக்கான சிறப்பு மாநாட்டில் பாலா அண்ணாவின் இந்த சூட்சுமத்தின் அளவீடு வெளிப்படையாவே இருந்தது. சிங்களம் எங்களுக்கு ஏற்படுத்திய பேரழிவை அவர் பட்டியலிட்டு, விடுதலைப் போரின் நியாயங்களையும், தர்க்க விளக்கங்களையும் இராஐதந்திர வரம்புகளை மீறாது பாலா அண்ணா வெளிப்படுத்திய போது அது வரலாற்றில் எமக்கான குரலாகவும் - மைல்கல்லாக அமைந்தது.

பாலா அண்ணாவின் பயணத்தில் எதிர்ப்பட்ட முக்கிய பதிவுகள் தமிழீழ விடுதலையின் முக்கிய பதிவுகளாகவும் உள்ளன.

திம்புவில் இந்தியா தனது நலன்களை மட்டும் பேச முயன்ற போது எதிர்த்து நின்று தமிழீழ மக்களின் நியாயத்தினைப் பேசிய குற்றத்திற்காகப் புலிகளை தண்டிக்க விரும்பிய இந்திய மத்தியஅரசு 1985ல் பாலா அண்ணரை நாடு கடத்தியது.

இந்தியா இராணுவத்தின் கோரப் பிடியில் தமிழீழ தேசம் தள்ளாடிய போது சிறீலங்காவுடன் புலிகள் மேற்கொண்ட சாதுரியமான இராஐதந்திர ஆட்டத்தினை நேர்த்தியாக முன்னெடுத்து - 1990ல் இந்தியாவினை நேரடியான இராணுவ முரண்பாட்டிலிருந்து விலக்கிய நுட்பமான நடவடிக்கையிலும் பாலா அண்ணார் இருந்தார்.

பின்னர் சந்திரிகா அம்மையார் சர்வதேச சக்திகளின் ஆதரவுடன் நடாத்திய போர் தோற்ற போது, தமிழர்கள் ஈட்டிய வெற்றியிலிருந்து அதே சர்வதேச சக்திகளுடனான தொடர்பாடலை பாலா அண்ணா 2002 முதல் மேற்கொண்டார். கட்டுப்பாட்டுப் பகுதிகளை ஏற்றுக்கொள்ளும் சர்வதேச ஏற்றுக்கொள்கையுடன் கூடிய போர்நிறுத்த உடன்பாட்டினை புலிகள் தரப்பில் நின்று வரைவதில் பாலா அண்ணாவின் பங்கே முக்கியமாகவிருந்தது இருந்தது என முன்னாள் சனதிபதி சந்திரிகா முதல் விமல்வீரவம்ச வரை குத்திமுழங்கும் போது பாலா அண்ணரின் இயல்பான நக்கல் சிரிப்பில் ஒரு வியூக சிந்தனை இருந்தது.

பாலா அண்ணா வெறுமனே அரசியல் சிந்தனைகளை மட்டும் கொண்ட விடுதலைப் போரளியல்ல. அவர் மனித வாழ்வின் பல்வேறு வி;டயங்களையும் அலசிப் பேசும் அலாதியான சிந்தனையாளன். இந்திய சிந்தனையாளர் கிருஸ்ணமூர்த்தி தொட்டு பலவித வாழ்வியல் சிந்தனையாளர்களைப் பற்றிப் பேசினார் - எழுதினார். சிறந்த இலக்கியங்களைப் வாசித்தார் - விவாதித்தார். கவிதைகளை இரசித்தார். நிறைய புதியபுதிய எழுத்துக்களை வாசித்து காலத்துடன் தன்னைப் புதுப்பித்து - நடைபயில வைத்தார்.

தனக்கு சாவு நிச்சயம் என்பதை உணர்ந்த காலத்தில் கூட அவர் மக்களிற்கு இன்னமும் விடிவு கிட்டவில்லையே என்கின்ற ஏக்கத்துடன்தான் நாள்களை கடத்தினார். இறப்பதற்கு முன்னர் பாலா அண்ணர் தனது மரணத்தை பின்வருமாறு வர்ணித்தார்: ��18000 மேற்பட்ட போராளிகளினை சந்திக்கும் பயணத்தில் உள்ளேன்��

இன்று எங்கள் மாவீரர்கள் பாலா அண்ணரை ஆரத்தழுவி வரவேற்று அவரது சிந்தனை அனுபவங்களை அவருக்கேயுரிய செழுமையான மொழியில் கேட்கையில் நாங்கள் அவரது மரணம் தந்த துன்பத்தினுள் வெறுமையாகி நிற்கின்றோம்.

பாலா அண்ணாவின் வாழ்வும் - தேடலும் சத்தியவேட்கை நிரம்பியது. மக்களையும் - மண்ணையும் நேசித்த மனிதனின் தேடலாகவும் வாழ்வாகவும் அது இருந்தது. அந்த மக்களின் வாழ்வை மீட்பதும் வாழ்விப்பதுதே பாலா அண்ணரின் இறுதி நினைவுக்கு நாங்கள் செய்யும் நினைவு வணக்கமாக இருக்கட்டும்.

An exponent of the Tamil liberation struggle, he has debated the Tamil cause on various international forums and led the peace negotiation team. He served as the guide that led the team to the Thimpu talks facilitated by India in 1985, a participant in the negotiations with Sri Lanka in 1989 and 1994, and as leader of the Tamil team that took part in the peace talks facilitated by Norway from 2002 onwards. The parting of this political and diplomatic expert who clearly understood how the Sinhala governments have been deceiving the Tamil people in a deliberate and planned manner, fills us with sorrow beyond words, particularly in view of the untold hardships imposed on us today by the brutal military offensives launched by the Sri Lankan armed forces.

It is widely known that he was the most important architect of the philosophical base of the Tamil freedom struggle and toiled with unquenchable yearning that it should be recognized by the international community, bridging the gap between the just prerogatives of the Tamil Eelam struggle and the expectations of the international community.

As a philosopher he was a humanist, and a lover of literature. We recall here that as a member of the Tamil diaspora this great man gave his best to the freedom struggle and has inspired thousands of Tamils abroad to follow his footsteps in contributing towards its success.

Till he breathed his last he held on to the lesson he had learnt from experience that the political freedom and security of the Tamils can be ensured only when the sovereignty of the Tamil nation is recognized by the Sinhala state and International community. The Tamil diaspora spread over countries like Europe, North America, Australasia and Africa esteem him as their voice and believe that their tribute to him is a genuine endeavour to make his dream come true.At this time of bereavement, we express our heart-felt condolences to his wife Adel Balasingham.

For Further Contacts: [email protected]
(IFT is a confederation of Tamil Diaspora Organisations)

The joyful return of Anton Balasingham and wife Adele Anne to the northern mainland of the Wanni is another triumphant indicator of the human spirit prevailing over adverse circumstances.

The publicly acclaimed arrival of the Balasinghams on March 25, contrasts sharply with their clandestine departure three years and sixty one days ago amidst sorrowful circumstances. Balasingham left the shores of the island in a deteriorating health conditions with flimsy chances of survival. The situation was further compounded by the callous insensitivity displayed by President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga to his plight. His recovery and return therefore is of immense satisfaction to both the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) as well as its leader Velupillai Pirapaharan.

It was on August 27, 1998 that a doctor 'Suri' attached to the LTTE medical corps opined to Adele Balasingham that her husband could be suffering from acute renal afflictions caused by thirty years of diabetes.

The occasion was the wedding of a woman Tiger cadre in the Mullaitheevu district. Mrs. Balasingham a trained nurse herself had noticed certain vital signs of deteriorating health in her husband and discussed them with Dr. Suri at the wedding. A worried Adele Balasingham thereafter lost no time in getting her husband checked medically.

A major problem in LTTE controlled regions is the lack of adequate medical facilities due to the embargo imposed by the state in violation of Geneva protocols. Balasingham, a diabetic on insulin had also been deprived of sufficient quantities because of drug shortages in the Wanni.

Preliminary tests through comparatively primitive methods like heating up a test tube of urine samples for instance revealed unusual presence of protein. BalasinghamOs blood and urine samples were sent under a false identity to Colombo for further tests that revealed a crisis of acute renal failure was at hand.

Meanwhile, Balasingham's health began steadily deteriorating. A troubled LTTE leader got his cadres to acquire some insulin from India for his trusted political adviser. This helped to some extent but it was clear that unless serious medical care was provided the Tiger theoretician and political strategist was a goner.

Senior LTTE members and their families hearing of Balasingham's state were now visiting him regularly. Pirapaharan and wife Mathivathani were also attentive. Doctors in the Wanni made a collective examination and advised Pirapaharan that Balasingham had to be evacuated away from the Wanni for advanced treatment if he was to live.

The closest and most suitable place for treatment seemed to be Tamil Nadu in India. Some Tiger sympathisers invited Balasingham to come over clandestinely. But with the LTTE being proscribed in India and several political parties and media organisations adopting a hostile attitude Pirapaharan was unwilling to take a risk.

The Tiger leader instructed the international secretariat of the LTTE in London to explore avenues of getting Balasingham abroad for treatment. This resulted in Norway being willing to accommodate Balasingham.

One reason for this was that Oslo desirous of playing peacemaker to several conflicts around the world was aware of Balasingham's importance in any possible peace process. Norwegian Ambassador in Colombo Jon Westborg had been informed of Balasingham's crucial value by none other than former United National Party Minister A. C. S. Hameed. The ex-foreign minister who functioned as a government emissary to the LTTE in 1989 - 1990 had struck up a personal relationship with Balasingham. Hameed had in fact met Balasingham in London a few weeks before his sad demise.

With Norway being prepared to render assistance, Westborg was authorised by Oslo to authenticate reports of Balasingham's condition. An International Committee of Red Cross (ICRC) delegation consisting of medical personnel led by Max Hadorn visited Balasingham in Puthukkudiyiruppu and examined him thoroughly. The verdict was that he had to be moved as soon as possible.

LTTE leader Pirapaharan thereafter initiated an uncharacteristic move. He enlisted the services of the ICRC, sections of the Catholic Clergy and Norway to make a direct appeal to his arch enemy Chandrika Kumaratunga on humanitarian grounds.

The proud and unbending Tiger supremo is not one to seek favours from the other side but in this case his concern for Balasingham was so great that he opted to do so. Kumaratunga was requested to grant permission for Balasingham to travel abroad through Colombo for medical treatment.

Kumaratunga's initial response was positive. Westborg briefed her of the importance of Balasingham in any future peace process. The Norwegians informed the LTTE through the Tiger representative in Oslo that Colombo's response was favourable and that Kumaratunga was discussing the logistics of getting Balasingham out. When this news was conveyed to Pirapaharan he was overjoyed. In a gesture of goodwill aimed at reciprocating Kumaratunga's magnanimity he ordered the release of nine prisoners from the south in Tiger custody.

The course of events altered drastically after former Foreign Affairs Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar was also consulted by Kumaratunga on the issue. The first sign of things to come was when Kadirgamar vetoed a role for the ICRC in this enterprise on the grounds that the it was not to be trusted.

While the LTTE awaited a favourable concrete response from Kumaratunga, Balasingham's situation got worse. Finally, Norway informed the LTTE that the Kumaratunga - Kadirgamar duo had worked out a list of demands titled 'significant reciprocal humanitarian gestures' that were to be fulfilled by the LTTE if Balasingham was to be sent abroad with Sri Lankan governmental assistance. These conditions were of a military nature.

The LTTE hierarchy was required to guarantee the following: government administration in the north - east should not be impeded or disrupted; Government property in Tamil areas should not be attacked or destroyed; Sea and air transport of supplies to the north - east should not be threatened or attacked; Public property throughout the country should not be attacked; All persons in LTTE custody should be released; this included according to the Kumaratunga regime a charge that more than 250 persons were being allegedly held by the Tigers without ICRC knowledge; all cadres under 18 years of age were to be released also.

It was clear that Kumaratunga was seeking to exploit Balasingham's vulnerability and trying to extract major concessions in return. The Balasinghams told Pirapaharan to reject the demands outright. Balasingham reportedly stated that he was 'prepared to die with honour and self-respect rather than acceding to these humiliating demands.' Pirapaharan was furious at the demands stipulated by Kumaratunga and Kadirgamar.

Pirapaharan assured Mrs. Balasingham that he would do everything possible to send Balasingham abroad for medical treatment. A new option was pursued.

Balasingham and wife were taken on January 23, 1999 by a Sea Tiger boat personally driven by Sea Tiger Commander Soosai to a LTTE ship at mid sea. Thereafter, the ship proceeded to Phukhet in Thailand. After recovering from the strenuous journey that itself could have been fatal, Balasingham was admitted to a hospital in Bangkok for examination and treatment. This indicated that an enlarged kidney had to be removed soon.

Thereafter, the Balasinghams contacted authorities in Britain and obtained proper travel documents. They moved to Singapore and proceeded to London. After interacting with Norwegian officials, Balasingham relocated to Oslo for surgery and kidney transplant.

A young Sri Lankan Tamil in Norway 'Donald' volunteered to donate one. After recuperation and recovery Balasingham plunged in zestfully into promoting the peace process. His first public appearance in London was on December 2, at the Arena in London docklands of the Maaveerar Naal observances. He represented the LTTE in all discussions with Norway while communicating regularly with Pirapaharan.

Balasingham was primarily responsible on the LTTE side for getting the ceasefire adopted. This has caused immense satisfaction in Tiger ranks. This is illustrated by the welcome given the returning political strategist and chief negotiator. Given the sorrowfully clandestine manner in which Balasingham departed the triumphant mode of his arrival is certainly a jubilant event for the LTTE. There is no doubt that his return will be a boost to the peace process.

Almost every senior LTTE leader who bade farewell to Balasingham three years ago in Mullaitheevu was now in Kilinochchi to bid welcome. The Balasinghams, particularly Adele Anne, would miss one absent being their pet dog of fifteen years. Although a female, the puppy obtained at Chennai in 1984 was called Jimmy. It was left behind in 1999 when the Balasinghams left the Wanni. After three weeks of woeful pining for its friends the canine buddy simply died.

"Everything I do is inevitable.
Can we agree on that?"
- Tommy Lee Jones in 'Under Siege'

It was in their Brixton flat that I met Anton and Adele Balasingham. The year was 1983, before Black July, perhaps June, and I was on my way back to Colombo from a Student Pugwash conference at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. We had some things in common. Balasingham had published his mechanistic Leninist tract on the Tamil National Question in 1980, a year after I had serialised my mechanistic Leninist tract on the same subject in the Lanka Guardian under the pseudonym Chintaka.

He pulled down from his bookcase a pile of LGs and showed me the annotations he's made in my essay on neo-colonialism, actually the transcript of a lecture delivered at a Karl Marx Centenary celebration in March '83. Balasingham was working on his PhD thesis on alienation under John Taylor, who was to write an important book on modes of production. I preferred Samir Amin. Adele had started her study on women in armed liberation struggles, which was to turn into her notorious pamphlet. In those days, Pirabaharan used to phone Anton Balasingham from Jaffna.

Balasingham maintained his familiarity with Pirabaharan while the latter was in exile in Madras after July '83, even to the extent of criticising the first executions. But he got wise fairly soon to the new historical reality and learned to guard his tongue, making the transition from aspirant theoretician and ideologue to superb spokesperson.

As the struggle began its spiral descent into barbarism and fascism, he made a Faustian bargain, trading in his intellectual conscience and his soul to the Tamil Mephistopheles, Pirabaharan, for a small space in history.

Others would follow, even from the rival ranks of the PLOT/DUPLE. Bit players at the big table, adopting Alice's axiom: "I don't mind being a pawn so long as I'm in the game".

The tragedy of the Tamil intelligentsia is that the committed intellectuals of the 'romantic-heroic' decade 1975-'85 have long divided into two camps: the fellow travellers of Tiger fascism and the burnt out drop-outs; with the UTHR-Jaffna and the Tamil Times as brave and distinguished exceptions.

Thus the tapestry of torment that is the Eelam struggle has not featured a single compendium of critical reflection by erstwhile Movement intellectuals and leading cadres, which attempts to set the record straight and make some sense of what happened, when and why. That is a basic duty the intellectuals owe the dead, the devastated, the dispersed and the dislocated. It is also a duty they owe the science of history.

Why then raise a cheer for Dr. Anton Balasingham? I do so, because his June 29th interview in the Tamil Guardian has cut through the crap (which passes for informed discussion and sophisticated analysis) in this town.

He has stated in clear, logical and unequivocal terms, the LTTE stand on the military situation, the constitutional process and the interim council proposal. The Tigers rejected the 1995 draft (and, I might add, actually went to war), so how could anyone even think that they would accept a constitutional draft which involves (an inevitable) trimming of the 1995 package? Not just the new version but the original set of proposals are non-starters in the eye of the tiger. Never mind the intrinsic merits or demerits of their position.

What is important is that it is a fact and has to be taken as axiomatic. It is truly amazing that so many people, some very significantly placed, others very expensively educated and impressively lettered; some local, others foreign, expended so much time and newsprint arguing that "the reform package should be offered to the LTTE", that "the Tigers must be brought into the process." Read Bala anna's lips. "You must be joking!" is what he's saying.

As for the interim administration, Dr. Balasingham is both rude and threatening. Perhaps most pertinently of all, while he finesses the question of Indo-US policy preferences, he states that no talks are possible until the Sri Lankan army is withdrawn from Jaffna and that the Tigers fully intend to resume the offensive with a view to retaking the peninsula.

Of course Dr.Balasingham is being wildly optimistic if he thinks that his admirably crystalline choice of words will put an end to the ludicrous, speculative musings of Colombo's chattering classes and their foreign patrons. If Mr. Pirabaharan ever were to take a bite out of his cyanide capsule, it will be due to the angst of the middle aged male in mind-life crisis: nobody really understands him. The nation that is his designated enemy, as well as the world at large, simply refuse to understand and believe him, despite his very best efforts - such as blowing up Rajiv Gandhi. It seems that nobody has figured out that there is absolutely no discrepancy between what Mr. Pirabaharan wants and what he is willing to accept. Strangely there is a 'consensus of false consciousness' that stretches from Colombo to Washington, DC.

The Sinhala chauvinists think that Pirabaharan wants Federalism - because it is "tantamount to a separate state" and anyway it's what Chelvanayagam, the First Separatist, always wanted for Christmas. (He was a Christian).

The Western liberals (like former Ambassador Teresita Schaeffer) also think that Pirabaharan wants a federal or confederal set-up, because it is not a separate state- which he knows the world community will not let him have for Christmas. Of course they're both wrong, and whatever the utility to Pirabaharan of such gross misperceptions, it's really going to get to him one of these days. And then it's going to be "good-bye cruel world!"

Meanwhile, is this place weirding out or what? Whatever was wrong with our society, it's only getting worse, and there is no evidence that it's going to get better after it gets worse. The Cricket Board elections necessitated the kind of security arrangement that only a visiting minor dignitary would require in a civilized society. A tense, ethnically-charged atmosphere prevails at Katubedde University. 2,500 Buddhist monks camp outside the BMICH awaiting the results of the Annual General Meeting of a private bank! Paranoia rules, OK? Liberals hold that if one gets on with the job of strengthening and expanding markets, the prospect and pursuit of economic prosperity will cause ethnicity to be displaced and diminished.

Economic Man will replace Ethnic Animal. Nuts. Not in L.A., not in Indonesia. Not every multi-ethnic society is an ethnically polarized one, but in one that is, all economics wind up, becoming ethnoeconomics. When Marxian radicalism was widespread, the word was that 'the bourgeoisie is a minority'. (As Toronto based Lankan poet Krishantha Sri Bhaggayadatta once wrote: "the only minority is the bourgeoisie"). Those days are gone with the Wall and what's blowing in the wind these days is an ethnic populism that inverts the Marxist thesis, holding instead that "the minority is the bourgeoisie!"

Sinhala Urumaya may not get many seats. 'SINHALA chauvinists of the world unite. You have nothing to lose but your deposits!" is the motto they may well have to inscribe on their banner after the election - that is if we are very luck. However, they have already made their impact; the damage has been done; they have released their poison into the bloodstream of the body politic. Social consciousness has been infected. Ethnic consciousness has (re) assumed antagonistic, hostile forms.

The mainstream media are on the ethnic bandwagon. A read-through of Tarzie Vittachi's Emergency '58 and the back issues of the Lanka Guardian would remind us that our society has been here before: in 1955-58 and 1983-88. It is a blessing that unlike in '58 we are not in a post-electoral situation, and as distinct from 1983 we are not (yet?) in a situation where the electoral option has been choked off. Today we are in a pre- electoral context and the opening up of the safety valves will allow much of the chauvinist steam to dissipate. But things are not quite so simple either.

The history of this island's politics in the early 20th century shows that jockeying for votes causes the whip of ethnic consciousness to be used most frequently. The predicament of the Ehud Barak administration also shows how the advance of a process of reconciliation can be vulnerable to the clout of small, zealot parties in parliament. If the next Lankan legislature contains a sufficient number of Sinhala Urumaya (and JVP) members, the entire reform process aimed at managing the ethnic crisis may come unstuck. On the other hand (as the Fiddler on the Roof used to say) delay the holding of elections and the rising tide of Sinhala chauvinism will take an armed form.

We will go the Algerian route. And we do not have a Abdelaziz Bouteflika to turn it around in the final reel. Perhaps we never will.