I present below a fine essay (of 5,390 words) on Anna, contributed by
Panruti S.Ramachandran, as a prelude to the book he edited in 1975,
containing 13 of the speeches made by Anna at the India�s Rajya Sabha,
between 1962 and 1966. It covers many aspects of Anna�s versatile career,
and has the advantage of being written by one of Anna�s younger lieutenants
who knew him personally.
In quite a number of English books and academic journals, Anna�s creative
career had been unjustly caricatured by the academics (both, Tamil and
non-Tamil) and the Indo-Ceylon analysts of various political shades. Here is
a representative sample, from Chidananda Das Gupta, an Indian movie analyst:
�In 1967, when the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) defeated India�s ruling
political party, the Indian National Congress, the cabinet of ten formed by
chief minister C.N. Annadorai (1908-1969) had nine members from the film
industry, including himself. A scriptwriter at a time when his tribe was
billed above the director in the titles, Annadorai was the engineer of the
cinematic force that laid low the mighty Congress Party. �How can actors run
a government?� scoffed Kamaraj, Tamil Nadu�s highly capable (and by caste,
untouchable) chief minister before the 1967 elections. But the DMK had the
last laugh.� [Book: The Painted Face � Studies in India�s Popular Cinema,
Roli Books, New Delhi, 1991, pp. 200-201]
Factual errors [The birth year of Anna was wrong; and Kamaraj was not the
chief minister of Madras state before the 1967 elections] aside, portraying
Anna as a movie script writer-politician is akin to calling Charles Darwin
(whose birth bicentenary was celebrated on Feb.12, 2009) as a sailor cum
ship handyman in the H.M.S.Beagle! A few academics (the types like K.
Sivathamby and M.S.S. Pandian), in their popular avatar as movie critics -
without any credible status in cinema skills! - also had unfairly critiqued
Anna�s creative writings. In his essay on �The writerly life�, satirist R.K.
Narayan (1906-2001) had aptly mocked by R.K.Narayan, the viles of such
academic snobs as follows [The words within parenthesis, are as in the
original. The dots are inserted by me for brevity.]:
�The man who really puts me off is the academician who cannot read a book
for the pleasure (if any) or the pain (in which case he is free to throw it
out of the window). But this man will not read a book without an air of
biting into it�The academic man views a book only as raw material for a
thesis or seminar paper, hunts for hidden meanings, social implication,
�commitments� and �concerns�, or the �Nation�s ethos��� [in, A Writer�s
Nightmare: Selected Essays 1958-1988, Penguin Books, 1988.]
That Anna�s creative work had suffered in the hands of such academic snobs
from Occident is an understatement. Being semi-literate or illiterate in the
varieties of vast Tamil literature, such Occidental snobs have painted a
half-baked caricature on Anna�s oeuvre. These caricatures deserve a separate
study of its own.
For the moment, the essay presented below by one of Anna�s lieutenants
provides a counterpoint to the currently available error-prone portrayals of
Anna�s creativity.
In this essay, Panruti Ramachandran mentions about how he came into Anna�s
orbit in 1956, when he was the secretary of the DMK association at the
Annamalai University. Born in 1937 at Puliyur, South Arcot district,
Ramachandran received an engineering B.E. (Hons.) degree from the Annamalai
University.
In 1966, he resigned the job he held at the State Electricity Board to
become an active politician. In 1967, he was elected from the Panruti
constituency on DMK ticket. Subsequently, he was the Minister for State
Transport for 5 years since 1971 in the Karunanidhi cabinet.
Then, he fell out with Karunanidhi and joined MGR�s AIADMK party and served
as the minister for electricity in MGR�s cabinet. Being fluent in English,
he was a confidant of MGR and was actively involved as MGR�s right hand in
the Eelam Tamils issue.
Following MGR�s death and with the ascent of Jeyalalitha�s star, Panruti
Ramachandran lost his clout, and hopped to the Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK)
of S.Ramadoss. He deserted that party and currently serves as the presidium
chairman of Desiya Murpokku Dravida Kazhagam (DMDK) established by actor
Vijaykanth in 2005. In the May 2006 Tamil Nadu state assembly elections,
Ramachandran came third in the Panruti constituency that had returned him
previously six times, since 1967.
It was on 3rd February 1969 that the entire population of
Tamilnadu literally crowded into Madras city. It was on that day that the
news of the demise of our revered leader Anna reached the nook and corner of
Tamilnadu, and came as a shock to each and every individual. From that
moment, people began pouring into Madras city to have the last glimpse of
their dear departed leader. They had come from the distant towns and
villages, perched on the roofs of over-crowded trains and rickety buses and
on foot. In one of the worst tragedies of the time, at least 28 persons were
crushed to death and over 70 persons were injured due to their journey on
the roof-top, when the Madras-bound Janata Express was passing across the
Coleroon Bridge between the Coleroon and Chidambaram stations. No vehicles
were permitted to go anywhere except to Madras city on that particular day,
whether they were trains, buses, lorries, motor cars, taxis, tractors or any
other form of conveyance. The grief struck almost every household not only
in Tamilnadu, but also wherever the Tamils lived in other states and other
countries. Such was the universal sorrow felt by the Tamils all over the
world on the loss of Anna, who loved them above all else.
Framed by the lofty columns of Rajaji Hall, he was laid in state amidst the
weeping and wailing of millions. In their single-minded determination to pay
homage they were not deterred by a wait under the blistering sun, or by
hunger and foot-sore weariness. The sobbing people outside Rajaji Hall were
such that even the entire police force mustered to control them could not do
so, and had reluctantly to burst tear-gas shells several times.
As the funeral procession went along Mount Road, now known as Anna Salai, a
huge multitude of people witnessed it from the terraces, balconies, and
precariously perched themselves on the sun-shades of the long line of
buildings on both sides. The military van carrying the body looked like a
floating ferry on the surging waves of the masses. So also, when it reached
the Marina, it was once again afloat on the vast expanse of a sea of heads.
Many were atop trees and most others filled the entire Marina Beach and a
few other resourceful people climbed aboard the grounded ship Stamatis.
The size of the crowd was beyond estimate. Some estimated it to have been
over five million. The Guinness Book of Records has it that �the
funeral of Anna was attended by the largest number of people in the world.�
This century has witnessed only three funerals comparable to anything like
that of Anna�s.
The first one was that of Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak at Bombay in 1920,
the second was that of Mahatma Gandhi in Delhi in 1948 and the third was
that of Jawaharlal Nehru in Delhi in 1964. The city of Madras or South India
has never in its history witnessed a funeral as poignant as Anna�s.
Another striking feature of the entire funeral procession was the
predominance of ordinary people like sweepers, scavengers, slum dwellers and
hut dwellers. In fact when they tried again and again to break through the
cordons to see the motorcade carrying the body of Anna and were prevented by
the police � lest they should be run over by the passing vehicles � one
woman braved the police and cried, �Anna is gone and I don�t mind being run
over�. The women kept running for some time but she could not stay in the
race for long. Such was the deep sentimental attachment the downtrodden had
for their dear Anna who lived to make their life a little more worth living.
Even today the abiding emotion the people of Tamilnadu have for him can be
seen from the never ending stream of visitors to the Anna Memorial Square,
artistically conceived and maginificently erected on the silvery sands of
Marina Beach in Madras City.
There is a saying in Tamil that one�s worth is known only after one�s death.
If that is the index of one�s worthiness, Anna is the worthiest of all. In
fact, an English daily while reporting the death of Anna carried the caption
�A stormy political career ends.� Really Anna was a wild storm that swept
before it the distress of the depressed. The common man felt that someone
near and dear to him had disappeared from the scene and it is doubtful
whether at any time in its history, Madras has witnessed such a stirring and
soulful scene.
I first met Anna in 1956 when I was Secretary of the Dravida Munnetra
Kazhagam student�s association at Annamalai University, near Chidambaram.
The temple at Chidambaram is not merely a monument to the glory of Dravidian
architecture, in legend and history; it is also symbolic of the finest hour
of the Dravidian people. It was here according to legend that the story of
the heights to which a man could rise by perseverance, devotion and
dedication was written. It was here, even in a hierarchical caste-ridden
society, that the lowest in the land, Nandanar, was supposed to have met and
mingled with Nataraja, the God himself. With such traditions, it was
therefore not surprising that my alma mater, the Annamalai University,
became the intellectual fountain head of progressive political parties
including the DMK party. Needless to say, Anna made a lasting impression on
the politically conscious elite at the university of whom some became
subsequently outstanding leaders of the DMK party.
I consider it to have been my good fortune to have met Anna so early in my
life and to have come under his magnetic influence. After graduating in
Engineering, I worked for a time in the Tamil Nadu Electricity Board, but
throughout the period I remained a faithful soldier of the party under
Anna�s leadership. On occasions, when in my impatience I longed to resign
from Government service and take up full time party work, Anna in his
inimitable way would counsel patience. He might have probably felt that the
DMK party, when it came to power would require technocrats, schooled in the
skills and strategies of administration and his party men should by
sufficient training equip themselves for this purpose. Anna�s generosity
enabled me to contest the elections to the then Madras Legislative Assembly
in the 1967 general elections. After being elected to the legislature, I was
nominated as the Chairman of the Estimates Committee in 1967, an honour
rarely conferred on a Member of the Assembly at the age of 30. My
association with Anna during the two years he was the chief minister became
closer. February 3, 1969 was a day of unbearable sorrow for me. I suffered
an irreparable personal loss.
Conjeevaram Natarajan Annadurai was born on the 15th day of
September 1909 at the handloom town of Kanchipuram. The only son of
middle-class parents, he spent an uneventful childhood. He caused his
parents a great deal of anxiety by failing more than once before passing his
school final examination. He had secured a backward scholarship at
Pachaiyappa�s College, Madras. He exhibited the spirit of a true Anna by
withdrawing from the B.A. (Hons.) degree examination after taking two
papers, the reason being that his friend and colleague who was dear to him
fell sick and could not take the examination and he genuinely felt that his
action would give comfort and solace to his friend. Taking his honours
examination in the year 1935, Anna stood first in the university. He won
innumerable trophies in debates and oratorical contests and was elected
secretary to the College Union and chairman of the Economics Association.
Even as a student leader he was keenly sensitive to the political and social
injustice around him. At college, he was attracted by the programme and
policies of the Justice Party, a party that stood for justice for the large
majority of non-Brahmins and for their liberation from Brahmin domination in
the services and elsewhere. After a short spell as a teacher in a middle
school at Peddunaickenpet, he became sub-editor of Justice, the
English daily of the Justice Party. Periyar Thiru E.V. Ramasawamy, the great
rationalist reformer and the founder of the Self-Respect Movement, was the
first to recognize the potentiality of this talented young sub-editor. Anna
was also attracted towards Periyar�s idealistic zeal in eradicating the
social iniquities and inequalities. This led to his becoming an ardent and
sincere follower of Periyar in his Self-Respect Movement. The Justice Party
that had become the abode of the favoured few and the privileged classes of
society, was converted into a mass movement by Anna under the leadership of
Periyar and renamed Dravidar Kazhagam at the Salem Conference in the year
1944. This very resolution which brought the party �from palace to platform�
(as Anna later claimed) was known as the �Annadurai Resolution�. During his
career as a social reformer he had edited some Tamil dailies � Navayugam,
Kudiyarasu and Viduthalai. In the year 1942 he started a
weekly journal called the Dravida Nadu to expound the principles and
philosophies of the Dravidian Movement. Dravida Nadu caught the
imagination of the masses like wild-fire and became the most popular weekly
of its time.
Owing to his differences with Periyar, Anna parted company with the Dravidar
Kazhagam and formed a new party known as the Dravidar Munnetra Kazhagam
(DMK) on 17th September 1949, on the birthday of his political
guru Periyar E.V. Ramaswamy. Probably in recent history this was the first
organized South Indian political movement to fight against injustice meted
out to South Indians. The main goal of the party was to establish a new
society based on the three cardinal principles of democracy, rationalism and
socialism. In order to achieve this goal, the party felt it necessary to
resist northern domination and to work for the formation of a separate
independent sovereign Federation of Dravidian Socialistic Republics,
comprising the present four southern states of India � Tamil Nadu, Andhra
Pradesh, Kerala and Karnataka. Anna worked hard to mobilize support and
sympathy for his philosophy from the masses.
During the first seven years of the DMK�s history, it did not want to
contest the General Elections or capture political power. It was at the
historical Tiruchirapalli Conference in 1956 that the DMK took an opinion
poll and decided to contest the general elections in 1957. Anna said, �We
realized that we must either be politically capacitated or be ruined by
democracy�, as he launched his youthful party into the election fray. The
DMK, won 15 seats in the Assembly and Anna entered the state legislature as
the leader of this small but eloquent and effective opposition.
In 1959, in the Civic Elections of Madras, the DMK captured the majority of
seats and, on 24th April 1959, the first DMK mayor was sworn into
office. In the 1962 general elections, though Anna was defeated in his home
town Kanchipuram, his party won 50 seats in the Assembly. Anna was elected
to the Rajya Sabha and went to Delhi, where he distinguished himself as a
brilliant orator and authentic spokesman of Dravida Nadu.
It was in the year 1962 that the entire country was shocked by the invasion
of the Chinese across the Himalayan borders. The shock was more intense and
severe to Anna because it was the first time that Anna was led to review his
own goal of achieving an independent Dravida Nadu. In fact at that time he
was serving his sentence in Vellore jail for his part in agitating against
the rising prices. Without any hesitation whatsoever he came out with a bold
statement advising his followers: �In our anger against the Congress regime,
we should not commit the mistake of slackening our efforts against the
foreign invader. We of the DMK consider it our sacred duty to rush to the
help of the Indian government in its efforts to protect and safeguard the
sovereignty of our soil.� Anna felt that in times of external danger like
the Chinese invasion, Indians should march as one people. Subsequent to
this, the Government of India came with a constitutional amendment bill
which debarred any secessionist party from contesting the general elections.
Anna was not prepared to commit political hara-kiri by clinging to a demand
that the changed circumstances of the country did not justify. He gradually
realized that he could still win his battle within the framework of the
Indian Union. Accordingly the constitution of the DMK party was amended in
such a way as to work for a closer Dravidian Union of the four linguistic
states of Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, Kerala and Karnataka within the
framework of the Indian Constitution by obtaining more powers for the states
to the extent possible.
The year 1967 was a water-shed in the history of Tamil Nadu. It was at that
time that the fourth general elections were held. The grand strategist and
shrewd tactician that he was, Anna realized the defective electoral system
prevailing in a country like India, where a party could be elected to power
even with minority votes while the majority votes were shared by a number of
opposition political parties. He worked out an understanding among all the
opposition political parties in Tamil Nadu, covering both the extreme
rightists like the Swatantra and the extreme leftists like the Marxist
Party. He gave a slogan to all the opposition parties: �United we stand,
divided we fall.� This worked wonders even beyond Anna�s expectations. The
results of the general election came as a surprise to many and a shock to a
few. It was a landslide victory and a clean walkover for Anna�s party. The
Congress Party in Tamil Nadu had collapsed like a house of cards. The DMK
won all the 25 seats it had contested for the Lok Sabha and 138 of the 173
seats in the state assembly. The Congress got a meager three Lok Sabha seats
and fifty assembly seats, though they had contested all the available seats.
The President of the All India Congress Party was defeated by a 28 year-old
DMK student in his home town. All except one of the members of the Tamil
Nadu cabinet, including the Chief Minister, were defeated. One Union cabinet
minister and two union deputy ministers were also defeated. This was the
first time in the history of India that the people of a state voted an
opposition party into power with such a thumping majority.
On 6th March 1967, the DMK government was sworn in, with Anna as
the chief minister of Tamil Nadu. In Anna�s cabinet, the youngest was only
32 years old. The rest, except for Anna himself who was 58, were below 48
years of age. The party presented a picture of youthful vitality. The
members of his ministry traveled in small cars and drew a salary of Rs.
500/- a month. As chief minister, Anna himself set an example by continuing
to live at his unpretentious residence at Avenue Road, Nungambakkam. Taxes
on dry lands were abolished. Rice was sold at one rupee a measure in the
cities of Madras, Coimbatore and suburban areas. Pre-university education
was made free for the children of those parents whose annual income did not
exceed Rs. 1,500/-
Anna went abroad to the United States and Japan during this period. He was
awarded the honour of sub-fellowship at the Yale University in the United
States. In the year 1968, the Annamalai University at its convocation held
at Chidambaram conferred on him a doctorate.
Anna�s administration succeeded in projecting the image of his government as
truly representative of the man in the street. Though the period of his
chief ministership was short, his achievements were many. As a rationalist,
Anna got legislation passed legalizing simple marriages performed without
priestly intervention, in keeping with the self-respect principles preached
by the social revolutionary Periyar decades before him. The state under
Anna�s leadership also was the first in India to foster and encourage
intercaste marriages by awarding gold medals for every intercaste couple.
A cause which was dear to his heart all through his life was his abundant
and abiding love for Tamil. It was this cause which made him popular, and
also sent him to jail both in the first and last instances of his political
career. In his unrelenting resistance, he expressed the anger and the deep
frustration of the people. It was their sentiments he echoed, when he
proclaimed to the Rajya Sabha: �My language is two thousand years old. If
you drink deep of the nectar of the Tamil classics, you will want only Tamil
to be National Language.� When he became the chief minister, he achieved his
aim of elimination of the domination of Hindi from Tamilnadu by having a
resolution passed in the state assembly, adopting the two-language formula;
i.e., Tamil and English in Tamil nadu, in a special session convened for
this purpose.
As one who worked for the renaissance of the Tamils and believed that only
by furthering the cause of the Tamils, would he be able to achieve a new
society, it was a historic event for his homeland to be re-named
�Tamilnadu�. At long last the land of the Tamils regained her proper name
which she had lost after the second century BC. Anna himself spoke with
pride of these three achievements of his regime as �historic�.
The secret of his phenomenal hold over the masses deserves study. Some argue
that it was his brilliant oratorical capacity. Of course a vital ingredient
of Anna�s charisma was his eloquence. His consummate mastery of words had
earned for him the endearing appellation, alliteration Annadurai even as a
student at Pachaiyappa�s College. He attracted all college students by his
oratory in both English and Tamil. He had the ability to stir and stimulate,
while conveying his deep and genuine concern for the people. Though he could
engage in adroit verbal gymnastics when occasion demanded, he spoke to his
thambis in words simple and easily understood by the most illiterate.
Speaking extempore, he could hold forth on almost any subject. In fact, he
once made a brilliant speech on �no topic� when the organizers of the
meeting told him that there as no topic scheduled for the meeting.
Anna was perhaps the first politician in India who raised money for his
party by selling tickets for his public meetings. His party, in its days of
struggle, was not supported either by the landlords or the industrialists
and had to depend on the middle class and the common people. People flocked
to listen to Anna and other DMK leaders and bought tickets for the meetings
as they would do to see a movie. This was a unique experiment in Indian
politics which Anna innovated.
Anna�s style was perfectly tailored to his purpose. He spoke to the
illiterate masses who needed time and elaborate explanations to digest
complicated concepts. So he chose two or three salient features, and
discussed them from various angles, reiterating each point with witty
examples and logical arguments. It was this strategy which made him such an
effective mass leader.
Anna spoke equally well in Tamil and English. His hard-hitting maiden speech
in the Rajya Sabha convinced the members of his mastery of English.
Thereafter, whenever he stood up to speak, everyone sat up to listen. This
unique craftsman of words spoke of the �bloodless revolution of the ballot
boxes� and denounced �men who hankered after the loaves and fishes of
office.�
He used his irrepressible sense of humour to cut through tense situations
and sooth frayed tempers. In the Tamilnadu assembly, an opposition member,
Thiru K. Vinayakam enquired about the implementation of the water supply
scheme at Tiruttani where the famous shrine of Lord Subrahmanya is situated.
Anna remarked with a smile: �I am glad Vinayakam, the elder brother, takes
such an interest in the temple of his younger brother Lord Subrahmanya.� At
an American press conference, when questioned about his policy on abortion,
he came right back with �We abhor abortion.�
It is claimed by some others that the people showered affection on him for
his outstanding contribution to the field of literature. It is true that
Anna had his own distinct style both in the method of his writings and in
the manner of choosing his themes. His style was a complete breakaway from
the old difficult and artificial style into a new, simple but musical one.
It can as well be said that he ushered in an era of �literacy revolution� by
which literature instead of limiting itself to intellectual circles reached
out to large masses outside.
His books of that time numbering about thirty, were all best sellers. His
plays Velaikkari, Oor Iravu and Sorgavasal were
compared to those of Bernard Shaw by critics like Kalki Krishnamurthi. It is
gratifying to note that later on when they were made into films, they were
most popular and successful.
Apart from writing prose and poetry, short stories and novels, dramas and
satires, he himself acted in several plays, such as Chandra Mohan,
Chandrodayam and Needhi Dhevan Mayakkam, written and popularized
by himself. The number of English and Tamil dailies and weeklies edited by
him is eloquent testimony to his journalistic caliber and vigour.
As an author and actor, playwright and poet, satirist and statesman, Anna
combined in himself excellence in every field of literary activity. His
entry into the field of Tamil literature ushered in an era when a new style
was born, now emulated by so many others.
There are still several others who think that Anna owed his popularity to
his skilful conduct of political affairs. For the first time in the field of
politics Ann abrought to bear the relationship of a closely knit family in
running his political party. In the DMK the members formed themselves into a
family of thambis led by Anna (their elder brother). The word �Anna�
means in Tamil �elder brother�. His leadership was supreme. His decision was
final, not because he was a tyrant who compelled blind obedience as leader
of the party, but because he was their beloved Anna who inspired devotion
and evoked enthusiasm. Anna, as a loving elder brother, merely guided them.
The extreme opposite of an arrogant political boss who ruthlessly stifles
initiative and leadership among his followers, Anna believed in sharing
responsibility and fostering talent. That is why the DMK has so many popular
leaders and effective orators. They were encouraged to speak, to organize
conferences and lead agitations. Anna took great pride in their achievements
and graciously acknowledged their success in public. No wonder to his
thambis his slightest wish was law. In all party disputes, an appeal
from Anna brought his thambis back into line. This close-knit unity,
inspired confidence in an electorate disgusted with the ugly factional
in-fighting within the Congress Party.
But for the courage and confidence Anna possessed it would not have been
possible for him to attract such a large number of talented young men. The
very fact that he formed a political party independent of any other national
organization at that time when the feeling and fervour of nationalism was so
high in India, was a clear demonstration of his courage and conviction.
Every other political party in the country, including the Communist Party,
was schooled in Congress traditions and its leaders had been followers of
Mahatma Gandhi at one time or other. It was patriotic and fashionable to
have been the camp followers of Gandhi and Nehru and echo the glories of a
resurgent united India. To a leader of his eminence and ability the highest
positions in the country would have been open had he taken the line of least
resistance and walked on the popular side of the road. Anna and the DMK
party were exceptions. At such a time, to speak of the identity of his own
people, to fight for their rights, to stand against the domination of one
part of the country by another and to point out the injustices meted out to
his people, required phenomenal courage.
Even before independence, Anna proved himself a patriot under very trying
circumstances. At that time, he was an active disciplined member of the DK.
Periyar was his only political guru. The fiery old rationalist declared that
Independence Day was to be observed as a day of mourning. The young Anna
courageously wrote an editorial in the Dravida Nadu pointing out that
the DK had condemned foreign rule as early as 1939. �Even while the
anti-Hindi agitation was at its height, we passed a resolution demanding
complete independence. We have made it clear on many occasions that our
opposition to the Congress must not be misconstrued as opposition to
freedom.� He called on all Dravidians to celebrate Independence Day as a day
of deliverance. He was severely censured by Periyar for his �impertinence.�
Anna never in his entire career failed to challenge any injustice in public
life. He presented a picture of an undaunted hero fighting a fire-breathing
dragon. After all, what is courage? As Confucious said, �If you see what is
right and don�t do it, you are a man without courage.� Courage is nothing
but fighting injustice, which Anna did.
His compatriots attributed his fame to his sincerity of purpose, spirit of
selfless service and sacrifice to his cause. It is very rare among
politicians to follow up their words by deeds. But Anna was one to practice
what he preached. Whether it happened to be a black-flag demonstration or
burning a chapter in the Constitution or for that matter any agitation, and
courting imprisonment, Anna as leader was in the forefront. As many as eight
times he courted imprisonment for the cause in which he sincerely believed.
His movement was always planned in advance, programmed in minute detail,
implemented without violence, and it culminated in success. Though he was
different in many respects from Mahatma Gandhi it was still a paradox that
they had certain common characteristics of staging peaceful and non-violent
agitations. He was not one of those who sent his volunteers to action,
himself remaining aloof or underground. He considered his means as important
as his ends. He always believed in openness of mind and in the free and
frank exposition of his cause. �Growth with stability� was his motto. Step
by step was his method. This evoked the admiration and active support of the
common folk who anxiously waited to carry out his command at any moment.
Nothing is more precious than one�s own life. But for Anna it was different.
When he fell ill in the second year of office as chief minister, he was
suspected of being stricken with cancer. Immediately he was taken to the
United States where Dr. Miller treated him. As Anna was very weak and
failing in health, Dr. Miller advised him to take complete rest in an
air-conditioned bungalow and to cut down travel to the minimum, and if this
was unavoidable, he must do so in an air-conditioned car. But to Anna for
whom simplicity was a way of life, that was really a threat to his very
philosophy and way of life. He had to choose only one of the two
alternatives: either to live for some more time or to die for his
simplicity. Even before his landing in Tamil Nadu, the people were so
anxious about his health that the Government of Tamil Nadu had decided to
aircondition a bungalow and to provide him with a new imported
airconditioned car. But to the shock of many, Anna chose not to live in an
airconditioned bungalow and not to travel in a luxury car but preferred to
stay in his unostentatious residence and to travel in a small indigenous
car. Even when an offer was made to aircondition at least a room in his
residence he rejected it forthright. Such was his tenacious attachment to
the simple way of living even at the risk to his own life. To the last till
his life deserted him, he did not desert simplicity. His humility was such
that even his worst political adversaries had great regard for him. For all
the talents he possessed he would have been excused if he had been arrogant.
But he was never so. He was so humble in his approach that even after his
massive victory in the 1967 general elections, he made it a point to secure
the blessings of all his political opponents before assuming office.
In particular, when he called on his political guru Periyar E.V. Ramaswamy
at Tiruchirapalli after his dissociation with him for eighteen years, it was
a pleasant surprise even to Periyar. The grand old patriarch was moved to
tears when he embraced Anna after such a long time. As Periyar himself on a
subsequent occasion stated, he was absolutely embarrassed to receive Anna
especially after his vehement criticism of the latter over a long period of
eighteen years.
It is said that he who makes history has no private life. Anna who made
history had no such life of his own. Anna had not even the slightest wish to
amass wealth for himself. Had he desired to do so, he could have become the
richest by his own writings and speeches. But his integrity was such that
when he died, the only property he left behind was the love of his people.
This prince among men, to whom the people would have given anything, died in
debt and his widow had to be helped by his party out of financial
difficulties.
The yardstick for measuring greatness has differed from age to age and from
country to country; but our people for ages have always placed character and
integrity above all as a yardstick for measuring greatness. His character
and integrity above all are responsible for Anna�s charisma.
To fulfil the ambition of the dead is the responsibility of the living. To
complete the task of the dead is the duty of the living. What were his
ambitions and what were his tasks? His ambition was to form a new society
based on the principles of democracy, rationalism and socialism for
Dravidians in their own style and suited to their own genius. It was his
firm faith that this was the only way to achieve the liberation of the
common man from the evils of exploitation. It is well known that his concern
for the common man was so great that he considered himself one among them.
Writing to his thambis in Dravida Nadu he observed: �You and I are
common men � me specially a common man, called upon to shoulder uncommon
responsibilities.�
He believed that �democracy is not a form of government alone, it is an
invitation to a new life, an experiment in the art of sharing
responsibilities and benefits, an attempt to generate and coordinate the
inherent energy in each individual for the common task.� Hence, we cannot
waste a single talent, or impoverish or allow a single man or woman to be
stunted in growth or be held under tyranny.
Rationalism was his religion. He hated the cant and hypocrisy, the blind
superstition and corruption which had obscured the purity of religion. He
stood against idol worship, the regimented rigours of organized religion,
and karma and God�s will being quoted in season and out by vested interests
to justify inaction against the bondage and poverty of his people. He
believed in real faith, in faith which aspired to feed the hungry and
comfort the suffering. �True faith in God is deep faith in human beings,� as
he himself said in one of his films, Sorgavasal. That true faith was
his religion.
His socialism was scientific. He never confined himself to the four walls of
set doctrines and never-changing dogmas. He wished society to rid itself of
exploitation of all kinds. In fact, Anna wrote: �Concentration of wealth in
the hands of a few is like a deluge. That would destroy not only the weaker
sections of society but even those possessing it.� His entire economic
philosophy was based on the socialistic approach of ensuring a good and
decent living for one and all. This is the message left by our revered Anna
to his thambis, this his gospel.
