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			 The dual effort of the IC to side with both the Tamils and the 
			G.O.S.L is a farce that has got to end. I am overwhelmed by the fact 
			that we have to remove the crucial obstacle to peripheral power, 
			which is 
			 
				[a] The Unitary Constitution and 
				 [b] The inability to amend it in any form under the 
				provisions of the existing Jayawardena Constitution. 
			  
			There are some who advocate interim Constitutional reforms, but 
			under what provisions of law could this be accomplished? Our 
			greatest obstacles are not only the Jayawardena Constitution, but 
			who can determine its validity. Any challenge, as I have previously 
			suggested as to the validity of the Constitution, would be ruled 
			upon by the SL Supreme Court, who are hardly likely to invalidate 
			not only the Constitution, but their right to rule upon it. Any 
			valid challenge of the Constitution challenges the Supreme Court�s 
			very existence under it. 
			 
			This raises an interesting theoretical possibility, namely, 
			challenging the right of the SL Supreme Court to rule on the 
			validity of the SL Constitution, based on a conflict of interest. 
			Can we get the IC to accept this and determine which international 
			judicial body can rule upon this issue. Will the IC strengthen its 
			collective backbone to go this far? 
			 
			From a Tamil standpoint, we have to separate Tamil rights from the 
			innate prejudice that has been attached to the LTTE, which important 
			international parties have branded as a �Terrorist Organization� 
			Even politicians abroad who sympathize with the Tamil cause are 
			fearful of being accused of supporting a terrorist organization. The 
			G.O.S.L capitalizes on this phenomenon, while the IC ignores the 
			reality that the LTTE and the LTTE alone are the exclusive 
			protectors and advocates of Tamil rights, supported as they are by 
			the TNA. To deny this and the fact that the LTTe is the only other 
			party to the conflict would be to send the Tamils naked to the 
			negotiating table.  
			 
			What can be done to ease this unease. We must highlight the fact 
			that the U.S. government and its loyal allies fully support the 
			right of the Iraqis and Afghans to have democratic rights, but fail 
			to grant the same right to the Tamils of Sri Lanka. They fail do so 
			by adopting a conflicting dual policy of insisting that Tamil rights 
			must be recognized on the one hand, while at the same time 
			glamorizing the consistently 
			discriminatory democracy practiced by every Sinhalese government 
			since 1948. 
			 The time has come when major nations like the U S should cease to 
			play diplomatic chess and state without reservation where the 
			fundamental problem exists in Sri Lanka. There is no question that 
			the Unitary Constitution is the sole underlying backbone that allows 
			for the unceasing discrimination that has been practiced from the 
			word go; it is the curse to be eliminated; yet nothing effective is 
			being done to accomplish this. 
			 Everyone accepts the validity of the present Constitution and 
			expects the Sinhalese majority to abandon their advantages under it 
			voluntarily. Why should they? Why will they? This is a pipe dream of 
			the I.C which they refuse to abandon Unless and until they do,we 
			will be bogged down in this quagmire. Everything else is useless 
			fodder by the wayside. 
			 
			The eternal debate as to who violates the CFA; the argument as to 
			which party to the conflict the is morally repugnant; the 
			disagreement as to who, having experienced power, has become an 
			unrestrained tyrant are dribbles of dirt that detract from the 
			underlying problem highlighted in this contribution.  
			 
			It is time that the I.C. recognizes the need for the moral right to 
			transcend the written rules. The I.C. cannot continue to act as if 
			it is chloroformed. They must break away from the current restraints 
			and transform the atmosphere with a bold stroke. of abandoning the 
			present Constitution as an act of international diplomacy and 
			commencing to address the peace process from there. They must cease 
			to play the game of comforting the afflicted and not afflicting the 
			comfortable. That dual role is an unmitigated farce that must be 
			purged forthwith.     |