"Sikhs in the
diaspora, especially the Sikh communities of Canada, the United States and
Britain, have played a considerable role in the political, economic and
social life of Punjab, as well as being affected by events in the Punjab and
India. Through remittances, exchange of ideas and ideology, visits and
pilgrimages to ancestral homes and kin, the Sikh diaspora communities have
kept a lively cultural exchange. They have also nurtured political
associations. Their richer sections have invested in a range of projects
from economic assistance to considerable donation for religious, educational
and charitable works.
While the overseas
Sikh communities do not meet sufficient conditions to be described as a
diaspora, they do seem to have acquired certain necessary elements of a
psychological and sociological nature which are essential to its
consciousness. First-generation overseas migrants are obviously related to
the homeland in many ways, but the events of June 1984 had a �traumatic�
effect and generated considerable response and solidarity among the second
and third generations.
In the aftermath of
the army action in the Golden Temple, the role of British and North American
Sikh communities has been significant in popularizing the idea of a Sikh
homeland. Support for organizations campaigning for the Sikh state has been
substan�tial, both material and moral. It has internationalized the issue of
a Sikh homeland.
Reaction to the
Punjabi crisis has led to a sustained campaign for Khalistan among a section
of the Sikh leadership abroad. The mode of mobilization and the formation of
new organizations have been informed by cultural, moral and religious
traditions of the Sikh society. This study highlights the complex nature of
identity formation and the developmental process of an ethnic community.
While a broader loyalty towards India probably still exists, the events of
the past decade have caused perceptible changes in their loyalties, and they
have also affected their relationship with the host societies. The Punjabi
crisis has probably generated a realignment of Sikh identity towards Punjab
in small yet perceptible ways, though such shifts are inherently difficult
to quantify.
The impact of the
Punjabi crisis has enabled them to redraw a strict definition of Sikh
identity, highlighting
the religious tradition and collective symbols of the community instead of
the geography, language and cultural traits. These developments within
the community serve to underline the �situational� nature of ethnic
consciousness, while the articulation of the demand for a �homeland� is seen
to be anchored in the primordial givens. The reaction also shows how the
events of 1984 have been seen and interpreted as a threat to the collective
entity of the Sikh commu�nity, a humiliation for the community�s pride. A
somewhat ambiguous and complex set of attachments towards an imaginary
homeland has been reinforced by the �crucial� event, which posed a challenge
to the deeply held beliefs and feelings.
The characteristic
call for mobilization has been to avenge this humiliation and to achieve a
secure homeland where such a threat could not arise in the future. Thus, in
its reaction there appears to be an interplay of culture, group
consciousness and the uncertainty of migrant status in the host society.
With the settler countries providing a limited expression of their cultural
and religious traditions, conditions have perhaps existed for such
frustrations to be channelled into the cause of yearning for a homeland. The
�Khalistan movement� abroad may also indicate Sikh migrants� alienation from
the host societies. Neither equal citizens, nor having enough power to
express their cultural ambitions, the aspiring community leaders have looked
back on their �land of origins� for prestige and honour. Such a reaction
ought not be brushed aside as the brainchild of a few misguided zealots.
In terms of geography
and mobilization characteristics there are clear parallels with the Gadr
movement. The formation of the Gadr movement was attributed to the
exclusionary policies of the Canadian and American governments, coupled with
an uncaring attitude of the Indian colonial state towards the plight of its
over�seas peoples. The Khalistan movement may also be located within those
parameters. The home government�s unsympathetic attitude towards a
minority�s aspirations, seen through an unparal�leled attack on its
religious centre and the host states� policies, coupled with a sense of
alienation from those societies, may have provided all the ingredients
necessary for the mobilization towards a secure and independent homeland.
A sovereign
�homeland� offers the possibility of becoming a substitute for an alienated
diaspora elite. Contemporary evidence suggests this is the case for a small
section of the Sikh diaspora of Britain and North America. However, the
strength of an alienated elite could grow in the future. An independent
Punjab was an �imagined homeland� for few Sikhs until the 1984 army action
in Amritsar. But the subsequent crisis and its handling by the Indian state,
and its pressure on host states to contain the Sikh diaspora�s expressions
of sympathy, might have converted the dream of homeland into a serious and
attractive scenario for many Sikhs. A distinct minority of Sikhs are now
committed to the achievement of an independent country. Whether the silent
majority would be convinced of the minority�s arguments depends upon two
factors:
the sense of
security they feel in their new homes in Britain and North America, and
the future
developments in their homeland, the Punjab.
That both of these
factors are beyond the diaspora�s control points towards the dilemma of a
diaspora�s ambivalent attitudes and loyalties. The Sikh diaspora�s reaction
to the events in Punjab and its characteristic pattern of mobilization
provide a clear example of how, through one �crucial event�, a confident and
�secure� diaspora can become conscious of a �threatened homeland� and
mobilize in its defence."
