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Home > Struggle for Tamil Eelam > Sri Lanka Accused at United Nations > UN Human Rights Council - Fifth Session, June 2007 >
UN
HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL Fifth Session - June 2007
1. Since our written statement submitted to
the Council at its Fourth session (�The genocidal crisis in Sri
Lanka,� A/HRC/4/NGO/44) International Educational Development,
Inc. and the Association of Humanitarian Lawyers confirm that
the genocidal crisis in Sri Lanka against the Tamil people has
actually worsened and must be addressed on an urgency basis by
the Council and its mandate-holders.
2. Focusing on the mandates now under review, we urge the
Special Rapporteur on Adequate Housing to investigate further
the forced evictions and displacement of Tamil civilians as a
result of the armed conflict. The Sri Lankan military forces
have been targeting Tamils with air strikes and ground troop
actions to force them to flee into what become �containment�
areas. There is clear evidence that some of the vacated
properties are given to Sinhala military personnel and
civilians. The Special Rapporteur should also investigate as a
matter of great urgency the failure to address the post-Tsunami
housing needs of Tamils in the Tamil areas on a par with that
offered in the Sinhala areas. As all should be are aware, the
United States government told the American Red Cross and other
aid providers that aid could not be provided in the Tamil areas
-- even those under government control. The Sri Lankan
government itself blocked much post-Tsunami relief to the Tamil
areas, and never implemented the fair-share agreement (called
P-TOMS) worked out between it and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil
Eelam (LTTE).
3. We point out to the Independent Expert on Extreme Poverty
that while the Tsunami was a force majeure, the policies to
prevent post-Tsunami aid to the Tamil areas are completely
man-made. Most Tsunami victims are still in makeshift shelters
with little food. This is heavily compounded by the armed
conflict, which has further displaced hundreds of thousand of
Tamil civilians. Government restrictions on traditional
life-supporting livelihoods for Tamils in Tamil areas have
denied the Tamils the ability to help themselves. For example,
there are heavy restrictions on coastal fishing, which violates
basic humanitarian law rules, and High Security Zones cover most
of Tamil agricultural areas. Access to building materials such
as concrete is limited, so people cannot rebuild their homes. We
urge the Independent Expert to address this as a matter of great
urgency.
4. We urge the Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food to
investigate as a matter of the highest priority the use of food
as weapon of war against Tamils. In addition to the serious
disruption of fishing and farming in the Tamil areas, the
government continues to block the land routes into the Tamil
areas, especially Route 9 to the North. International aid
providers are in a constant crisis mode, as supplies run low and
it becomes increasingly difficult to provide even subsistence
levels. The Tamil people are near starvation; their children are
stunted and mal-nourished. We draw particular attention the
Statute and Elements of the International Criminal Court, which
provides that restricting food and medicines for the civilian
population is part of the crime of extermination. See ICC, Rome
Statute, Articles 7 (1)(b) and 7(2)(b); ICC Elements, Article
7(1)(b).
5. We urge the Special Rapporteur on Racism to investigate the
increasingly overt anti-Tamil racism in Sinhala political
parties and government, unfortunately echoed by others both in
Sri Lanka and abroad. Denying the Tamils their fair share of
post-Tsunami aid is obviously racism at its worse. The upsurge
in racism in Sri Lanka is moving the situation closer to
genocide. The Sinhala people have already carried out wholesale
massacres of thousands of Tamils three times since independence,
and at present, there are smaller incidents occurring
practically daily with nearly complete impunity.
Perhaps he could investigate in concert with the Independent
Expert on human rights and international solidarity, whose
mandate is also invoked because the constant demonizing of the
Tamil people, whether at home or in exile, has impeded
humanitarian aid needed to victims of both the Tsunami and the
armed conflict. We note paragraph 7 of his report (A/HRC/4/8)
regarding the obligations of all States to combat terrorism, but
point out that the government of Sri Lanka, with the help of
especially the United States, has distorted the difference
between armed conflict and terrorism so as to �legitimize�
anti-Tamil policies and to deny humanitarian aid to the Tamil
victims.2 In our view, the legally incorrect labeling of the
LTTE as a terrorist organization has been the single most
important factor in the failure to reach a settlement of this
conflict.
6. Under international law, people have the right to resist
oppression and racist regimes: the right to use force as a last
resort to achieve freedom and restore human rights is fully
protected. What is allowed for Kosovans is allowed for Tamils.
While we always regret when any situation deteriorates to the
point of war, we can attest that the Tamils clearly had the
right to use force long before they actually resorted to it.3
This armed conflict is fully governed by all applicable rules of
humanitarian law, and the combatants in this war, as in any war,
are allowed to have land, sea, and air forces and to carry out
military operations. Victims of the armed conflict, including
civilians and sick and wounded combatants, are entitled to
humanitarian aid.
7. Many legislators, experts, and human rights and humanitarian
law organizations, including our own, have protested the false,
politically-motivated designation of the LTTE as a terrorist
group.4 However, we are also aware that even some �experts� are
now confused while trying to separate armed conflict from
terrorist/counter-terrorist activities, in part because of the
purposeful obfuscation by the United States in its operations in
Afghanistan, Iraq and at Guantanamo, and by its desire to be
able to decide at will, as it has
2 We have long stressed the interests of the United States in
the Tamil areas for US air and navy bases as part of the US plan
to have rapid military strike capacity anywhere in the world.
The US understands that it cannot properly secure such bases
unless the Tamil population is sufficiently subdued. We cannot
understand why others have been persuaded to also accept this
labeling when it is so clearly wrong. As should be patently
obvious, terrorist organizations, unlike the LTTE, are not in
military uniforms, do not carry out military operations using
the instrumentalities and materiel of armed conflict, do not
control territory, and usually do not even have an identifiable
chain of command. Under current United States �definitions,�
Ethan Allan and the Green Mountain Boys and, indeed, even George
Washington�s Continental Army would be terrorist organizations
and the Boston Tea Party a terrorist act. In any case, the
international community rightly resisted the US over its
labeling of South Africa�s African National Congress as a
terrorist organization.
3 Sinhala policies have oppressed the Tamil people from the day
the British flag was lowered and the Tamils were taken by
surprise when the new flag was raised featuring the Sinhala
lion. Early protests by the Tamil leadership fell on deaf ears,
and the Sinhala majority and their political leaders began an
all-out assault on the basic rights of the Tamil people from
that ominous day. After more than thirty years of negotiations
and peaceful protests failed to improve the situation, the
Tamils began talking of severing their area from the Sinhala
part of the island and forming their own militias to protect
themselves. In 1983, severely shaken by the 1983 massacre of
Tamils by Sinhala mobs, the largest of the militias, the
Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), began a full fledged
war that, except for intermittent periods, continues to rage.
4 We note, that in spite of the repeated use of the term
�terrorists� by Sri Lankan officials when referring to the LTTE,
and the government�s active role in seeking a �terrorist� label
by other States, the government has not officially labeled the
LTTE as a terrorist organization.
done since World War II, who is a �freedom fighter� and who is a
�terrorist� based on its own interests. We also understand that
most ordinary people are intimidated by the labeling, thus also
affecting international solidarity.
8. The government of Sri Lanka cannot be allowed to back the
Human Rights Council and its mechanisms into a corner, making a
laughing stock of them and destroying UN human rights systems
carefully built up since 1948. We expect that Council and its
mandate-holders will ensure that the government of Sri Lanka�s
�free ride� is over and will take strong, effective measures to
prevent the annihilation of the Tamil people and to facilitate a
just peace. 1
The Association of Humanitarian Lawyers also shares the
views expressed in this statement. |