INDIA & the Struggle for Tamil Eelam
"I have never mistrusted India" J R Jayawardena
Interview with India Today
reported in Lanka Guardian, 15 September 1987
[see also in PDF format]
The barricades and frequent security checks outside his private
residence at Ward Place, Colombo's most exclusive residential
area symbolise the threat to his life. But there is little tension or
fear inside the modest house where a confident Junius Richard
Jayawardene, 81, the frail looking President of Sri Lanka
receives his guests. While conversing, he monitors the progress of
the implementation of the Indo-Sri Lankan accord. As time for the
TV news approaches, he ushers guests into the TV room so that
he can watch the daily surrender of arms by the Tamil groups.
The news over, he expresses satisfaction over the developments.
For over a month, he has kept away from the media. In an
exclusive interview with India Today, Senior Editor PRABHU
CHAWLA, last fortnight, Jayewardene speaks about the role of
the Indian army and his domestic problems.
Excerpts:
Q. Till recently, you have been pursuing a military option against the Tamil
militants. What
made you change your strategy and sign an agreement with India?
A. We were always for a political solution. But, the terrorists never agreed
to it. We knew we
wouldn't be able to solve this problem except through a political dialogue.
Now, they have
also agreed. On our own part, we never gave up the political option. We had
discussions at
Thimpu, New Delhi and Colombo and these discussions were not military
discussions. But
the terrorists never even looked at our documents.
Q. Do you feet that India has played an important role in bringing the Tamil
Tigers to the
negotiating table?
A. Till recently, India was playing the role of a mediator. Now, for the
first time, India has
discussed this problem directly with us. India's role in this whole problem
has changed from
a mere mediator to that of a participant.
Q. Do you think that this pact would have come about if the Tigers had not
been part of the
dialogue?
A. I have nothing to do with them. I have never seen Prabaharan.
Q. Have you gained anything politically?
A. One major gain is that terrorism is over. If the accord is sincerely
implemented by these
parties - the Indian Government, the Sri Lankan authorities and the
separatist groups -
peace will return to the island. The violence is over.
Q. Keeping in view the mistrust between the Indian Government and your
government, do you
think this accord will be implemented seriously?
A. I never had mistrust in the Indian Government. In fact, I never had
mistrust in the
separatists. What is there to mistrust? They (the separatists) are for
violence, they are for
murder - what is the kind of mistrust you are taking about in this kind of
situation. On the
other hand, I have been accused of trusting everyone too much.
Q. If you had trust in India, why didn't sign a similar accord earlier?
A. I don't have a reason myself for this. But the only explanation which I
can possibly think of
is that it is the first time that India is prepared to tackle this terrorism
problem as an active
partner with me.
Q. If the accord has led to the end of violence in the north and east, then
why has it not been
welcomed by the Sinhalese?
A. Violence never lasts long. It has now - died down. There was some
opposition to the accord
in certain parts of the island. It was activated by the Sinhalese
terrorists. During the
opposition to the agreement, voiced by the Buddhist clergy and the SLFP,
they found that
the JVP was taking active interest in the violent activities. Others have
backed out of the
anti- accord agitation, but the JVP is still continuing.
Q. Don't you think you will find it difficult to sustain this accord if your
Prime Minister and
minister for notional security are opposed to it?
A. In a democracy you have these freedoms. But when I bring legislations for
the accord to
Parliament, they will have to support them or they have to leave. I have
signed a treaty and
under the Constitution, I have the right to make treaties with any country.
I need not to get
cabinet support or approval for it. But when I have to go to the Parliament
for legislative
measures, they will all have to support them.
Q. If they don't, What will you do?
A. I will dissolve Parliament.
Q. In the wake of opposition, how are you going to implement the accord?
A. Most of it has already been implemented. The terrorists have surrendered
arms. Laws are
almost ready for the devolution of powers to the Provincial Council and
subsequent
elections. The referendum for the merger of the east with the north will
take place. For all
these, I need parliamentary approval. We will have interim administration
for north and
cast.
Q. But how are you going to sell this accord to your people who consider it
a total surrender?
A. I will do it with propaganda in favour of the advantages of the accord. I
will use all
democratic means to convince the people that this accord in the best
interests of our
country. This might be an issue for the next elections but it would have
been completed by
that time. I am not going to have referendum on this accord.
Q. What are the economic gains?
A. We have nothing to lose. Peace will return to the country which, in turn,
will help in
reviving economic activity.
Q. Are you sure that the Sri Lankan people approve of Indian forces?
A. That is immaterial. The only way they can question it is by votes. And
that will be clear during the elections. There are ways in the democracy of
seeking the people's support for one's actions as President. If we go to the
people for every action, then the Government
can't function. Unfortunately, the Opposition is not opposing this
government by democratic
means. They are resorting to violence and this should be suppressed.
Q. What is the specific role given to the Indian peacekeeping forces?
A. They are acting under my supervision and directions and they will carry
out those
instructions. They have to supervise the surrender of arms by terrorists
maintain law and
order with our troops. They have to take part in all peaceful operations.
Q. Will they be present till the accord is fully implemented?
A. Well, that will take a long time. Provincial elections will take place at
the end of the year.
Till normalcy is restored not only the Indian but also our forces are
necessary. But if there is
peace, the forces are not necessary. We have enough troops of our own during
peaceful
times. I would like the Indian forces to remain as long as there is trouble
in the north and
east.
Q. If you have Indian forces here, why are you asking for, American military
help?
A. I have asked America, England and Pakistan for help.
Q. What kind of help or assistance you have sought from them?
A. Whatever help they can give. I didn't make any specific reservations. But
we have not asked
for any military help. They may offer us helicopters, spare parts. I don't
need any military
assistance but only material assistance from friendly countries. And I have
informed India
about these as well. One reason for asking those countries for aid is to
show the world that I
have not only asked India for assistance, but others as well. Mrs
Bandaranaike also received
assistance from various countries for containing secessionists in 1971. She
got MIGs from
the USSR, helicopters from the US and aid from the UK and India. I have not
done
anything beyond that.
Q. Since you are dependent on the West, both militarily and economically,
don't you expect
problems from them in implementing the accord?
A. Sri Lanka does depend on the West for economic aid, and nothing else. But
they can't
influence out decisions. I am pro-West even now because there is democracy
there. I am for
democracy wherever it exists.
Q. But why are you seeking help from anti-India countries like Pakistan and
Israel? Will it not
affect your relations with India as well?
A. Earlier, I sought help from- all of them I could't have trained my people
in India. They were
training the terrorists.
Q. How are you going to deal with JVP? Weren't they crushed by Bandaranaike
with foreign
support?
A. It is very difficult to give reasons for the revival of the JVP. Many
people blame me for it.
When I took over, I released a majority of their cadres and leader.
For over five years they were quiet. And I was under the impression that
they had accepted
the democratic norm of behaviour. They contested the municipal and local
elections. They
contested the referendum and lost in all these elections. But in 1983, my
security informed
me that these people are again militarily active. They were preaching
violence, I proscribed
them. They had a hand in the 1983 riots in Colombo. Since then, they have
been working
under ground amassing a lot of support. I don't know how they've done this.
Q. With all these problems, don't you feel exhausted at this age?
A. They say the brain never gets tired, only the muscles get tired. I can
switch off my powers
of concentration. At the moment, I am thinking of you and nothing else. That
is the way I
am made, I can compartmentalise my problems.
Q. Aren't you thinking of retiring from active politics now?
A. My term will end in 1989. I can't re-contest without a referendum.
