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மாவீரர் தின உரை - 2005 - ஒரு பார்வை
30 November 2005
தமிழீழ சுதந்திர விடுதலைப் போராட்டத்தின் வரலாற்றுத் திருப்புமுனையாக இன்றைய காலகட்டம் திகழ்கிறது. இவ்வேளையில் தமிழீழத் தேசியத் தலைவர் மேதகு வேலுப்பிள்ளை பிரபாகரன் அவர்களது மாவீரர் தின உரையானது என்ன செய்தியை வழங்க விருக்கின்றது. என்ற எதிர்பார்ப்பு ஆர்வத்தின் உச்சியை தொட்டதில் வியப்பேதும் இல்லை. ஒரு தேசத்தின் தலைவன் என்ற வகையில் மேதகு பிரபாகரன் அவர்கள் வழங்கியுள்ள மாவீரர் தின உரை குறித்த எமது பார்வையை நாம் எமது வழமையைப் பேணித் தருகிறோம்.
என்று மாவீரர்களைப் போற்றி தனது உரையைத் தொடர்ந்த தேசியத் தலைவரின் உரையின் சாராம்சத்தை நாம்
பகுதிகளாகப் பிரித்துத் தர்க்கிக்க விழைகின்றோம். தவிரவும் தமிழீழத்
தேசியத் தலைவரின் மாவீரர் தினபேருரையில் அவர் தெரிவித்திருந்த பல
விடயங்களை மேற்கூறிய பகுதிகள் ஊடாக தொகுத்து எமது பார்வையை தர
இலங்கைத் தீவானது தேரவாத பௌத்தத்தின் தெய்வீகக் கொடையென்றும் சிங்கள
இனத்திற்கே உரித்தான சொத்துடைமை என்றும் மகாவம்சம் திரித்துவிட்ட
புனைகதையிற் சிங்கள மக்கள் இன்னும் சிக்குண்டு கிடப்பதையும்
சுட்டிக்காட்டிய தேசியத் தலைவர் இது ஒரு கருத்தியற் குருட்டுத்தனம்
என்றும் இடித்துரைக்கிறார். ஆனால் எதிர்காலத்தில் சிங்கள மக்களின் இந்த
நிலைப்பாட்டில் மாற்றம் எதுவும் நிகழ வாய்ப்பிருக்கின்றதா? என்று
எழக்கூடிய கேள்விக்கும் தலைவர் பதிலளிக்கிறார். சிங்கள மக்களது அரசியல்
கருத்துலகில் மாற்றம் நிகழும் என்று தான் எதிர்பார்க்க வில்லை என்று
கூறிய தலைவர் மாறாக அது புதிய வடிவங்களை எடுத்துப் புத்துயிர் பெற்று
வருகின்றது என்று எச்சரிக்கையும் செய்கின்றார். ஆகவே சிங்கள மக்களின்
இந்த மேலாண்மைவாதம் என்பதானது தமிழ் மக்களின் அடிப்படை உரிமைகளைத்
தமிழ் மக்கள் தாமாகவே போராடி வென்றெடுக்க வேண்டிய நிலையை
உருவாக்கியுள்ளது என்ற கருத்தைத் தேசியத் தலைவர் தெளிவாகவே கூறி
நடந்த சமாதானப் பேச்சுக்கள் மூன்றாம் தரப்பு உலக நாடொன்றின்
அனுசரணையில் சர்வதேசக் கண்காணிப்பில் நடைபெற்ற முக்கியத்துவம்
குறித்தும் தலைவர் குறிப்பிட்டுள்ளார். ஆனால் ரணில் விக்கிரமசிங்க
அரசுடனும் பின்னர் சந்திரிகாவின் ஆட்சிபீடத்துடனும் நிகழ்ந்த
பேச்சுக்களின் போது மேற்கொள்ளப்பட்ட முடிவுகள், தீர்மானங்கள்,
உடன்பாடுகள் எவையுமே செயல்வடிவம் பெறாமல் போனதையும் தலைவர்
English Translation of Tamil Article by Sanmugam Sabesan
The liberation struggle for Tamil Eelam has entered an historical and critical turning point now. It is no wonder there was much anxiety and speculation as to what message the National Heroes' day speech of the Tamil Eelam National Leader would hold. We would like to express our view on the address of Velupillai Pirabhakaran in hise capacity as a Leader of a Nation.
Thus began the National Leader's speech and we would like to discuss it under eight different sub-topics. In this manner we will try to present our view on the various matters he had mentioned in his speech.
As we try to discuss the various matters referred to in the National Leader's speech under these eight sub-topics we realise that they are based on three important facts. Therefore it is considered suitable to deal with them in the first place.
The first of these opinions reveals the dishonesty of the Sinhala nation. It expounds the fact that the Sinhala leaderships, from the very beginning, had refrained from finding a reasonable and just solution to the national ethnic problem of the Tamils and had acted dishonourably in dealing with them.
The second one refers to the needless pressure exerted by the world countries on the Liberation Tigers. Though it had been proved beyond doubt that the Sinhala nation and the Sinhala people treat the Tamils in the most unjust manner, these countries around the world use unnecessary pressure on the Liberation Tigers. While this is very much regretted, it also gives room to doubt the sincerity of the solution for peace put forward by these countries.
The third point which the National leader made is the most important one. He had highlighted on the limits of accommodating unnecessary pressure. Accommodation on our part does not mean that we are prone to be bound slavishly. During the days of Indian intervention the Liberation Tigers had readily adjusted themselves with regard to many matters. But when the Indian intervention threatened our national liberation struggle and when it proved detrimental to our people, the Liberation Tigers did not hesitate to rise even against the Indian military. The third point of the National Leader clearly states that there are limits for patience and giving in.
We wish to discuss the National Heroes' day address under eight sub-titles keeping in mind the three points which the National Leader had chosen to emphasise.
1. The attitude of the Sinhala people.
The National Leader of Tamil Eelam points out that the national ethnic issue of the Tamils drags on without end or a solution, purely because the Sinhala nation refuses to understand the political aspirations of the Tamils. Besides, he goes on to explain that this attitude of the Sinhala is not one of recent origin but one which has been continuing from distant past. He speaks of the Sinhala people being entranced by the fictitious tales of the Mahavamsa chronicle which claim that the island of Ceylon to be the chosen holy place to enshrine and safeguard Theravada Buddhism and that the Sinhala people are the chosen custodians of this divine faith. While calling this a conceptual blindness of the Sinhala, he questions the probability of them ever being delivered from this mindset. He goes on to answer the question himself. He maintains that he does not expect a change in the political consciousness of the Sinhala people to take place and even warns that this mindset is very much alive, undergoing metamorphosis and taking different forms. The National Leader has very distinctly stated that this imagined Sinhala supremacy has created a situation where the Tamils have to fight for themselves to regain their long lost basic rights,
2. The attitude of the Tamils of Tamil Eelam
The National Leader says that the Tamils have completely lost faith in the words like Peace, Ceasefire and Negotiations, which to them, have lost their original meaning in the Sri Lankan context. He continues expose the reasons for this loss of faith. The so called 'peace' has brought them neither permanent peace nor peaceful life for them. The 'ceasefire agreement' has not in any way helped to remove the occupying army from their homes and lands. The people who have lost their patience are now engaging in mass struggles and demonstrations expressing their outraged political aspirations. The National Leader points out another important matter to the international community.
He maintains that the international community can no longer disregard the legitimate demands of the Tamils of Tamil Eelam for their right of self-determination and the right for self-rule. He also makes clear that this mass and charged expression of the Tamils is nothing but the challenge that the international community should accept their political aspirations.
The National Leader, having clearly laid bare the attitude of an ethnic entity which is hell-bent on suppression and another which refuses to succumb, goes on to clarify the attempts at solving these conflicts and the reasons for the failure of these attempts.
3. Peace negotiations and their background.
The National Leader has expounded this issue quite extensively. He had already mentioned the sincerity and honesty of the Liberation Tigers organisation involving in activities aimed at solving the national problem of the Tamils of Tamil Eelam through peace negotiations. He proceeded to lay out the attempts at peace from the first Thimbhu talks until the most recent ones explaining the similarities and differences between them. The importance of the recent peace talks was referred in particular by the Leader because these were carried on with the facilitation of a third party country under the international community's observation. He pointed that, despite all these talks, first with Ranil Wickramasinghe and later with Chandrika, proved unsuccessful because whatever decisions, resolutions, agreements worked out in these talks were never put into practice.
He refers to the peace talks as 'snares placed along the path of the liberation struggle' and that the Ranil Wickramasinghe government, resorting to subversive strategy, was bent only on disarming the Liberation Tamil Tigers with the aid of the world powers under the pretext of negotiations. He also reminded how Chandrika had intentionally dragged on without consenting to approve the Interim self-rule executive council and thereby causing a political vacuum in the lives of the Tamils.
The National Leader then proceeded to relate how the tsunami struck when the next phase of the liberation struggle was being seriously considered to avoid falling prey to the aim of the Sinhala regime to keep us in a political vacuum. Therefore the need arose to relieve the distress of the Tamils and this was given priority. Though an agreement was signed to set up a joint administrative body to handle the vast sum of money donated by the world countries for the tsunami victims, the Sinhala chauvinist factions could make it completely useless by taking the issue to the Supreme court. From here he goes on to focus on another important issue.
4. The Sri Lankan government's Shadow War.
He said that the period of peace was used as a curtain behind which the Sinhala army and its intelligence units to murder senior members of the Liberation Tiger organisation, fighters of importance, politicians supporting the organisation, journalists and scholars, in the most cowardly manner. He blamed the Sinhala chauvinist politicians for these murders and said that ' an altogether different and intensive, indirect war is being waged exploiting the circumstances that the peace-period had brought'.
Having clarified the above four aspects, the National leader goes ahead to deliver many important messages to international community.
5. Message to the International Community.
The message delivered to the International community by the National Leader is very crucial in the present context and it could be classified as follows:
6. Mahintha Rajapakse's principles.
'Mahintha Rajapakse, the president newly elected to power by the Sinhala nation, does not represent the Tamils. We know well about Mahintha's thoughts and principles. We are fully aware of the discordant and wide gulf that exists between his political vision and the Tamils' struggle for their right for self-determination'. Having categorically stated this, the National Leader provides an opportunity to the president of Sri Lanka.
7. An opportunity to Mahintha Rajapakse.
'This new government says that it offers us a friendly hand and intends to adhere to the ceasefire agreement; it also conveys its wish to hold talks and maintain peace. Though our principles are widely different, since he is said to be a realist who believes in political practicability, we have decided to wait for a short period and observe how he is going to handle the peace process and what justice he would mete to the Tamils.' Thus the National Leader has offered the new president an opportunity.
Would this short period be again extended? Is this the ultimate and unwavering opportunity? What does the National Leader of Tamil Eelam say about these questions?
8. A short period of grace.
The Tamil Eelam National Leader is absolutely clear and definite in his following statement. 'Our people have lost patience, hope and reached the brink of utter frustration. The new government should come forward soon with a reasonable political framework that will satisfy the political aspirations of the Tamil people. This is our urgent and final appeal. If the new government rejects our urgent appeal, we will, next year, in solidarity with our people, intensify our struggle for self-determination, our struggle for national liberation to establish self-government in our homeland.�
In this context of a historical turning point in our times, we have tried to present our analysis of the Martyrs' Day speech of our National Leader to the best of our abilities. But one thing is certain! The time is ripening for our motherland to attain its full freedom and majesty under the direction of our National Leader. Let us, the Tamil Eelam expatriates, unify ourselves in our entirety and strengthen the hands of our Leader!