Tamils - a Trans State Nation..

"To us all towns are one, all men our kin.
Life's good comes not from others' gift, nor ill
Man's pains and pains' relief are from within.
Thus have we seen in visions of the wise !."
-
Tamil Poem in Purananuru, circa 500 B.C 

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Michael Collins - the Film
Introduction to Michael Collins, the Film by Neil Jordan "This story is more about history than any political statement. Collins wasn't a proponent of terrorism. He developed techniques of guerilla warfare later copied by independence movements around the world, from Mao Tse-Tung in China to Yitzhak Shamir in Israel. He fought the British Empire in Ireland with the only army available to him -- the Irish Volunteers, bands of poorly armed peasants and working-class youths. Collins would never be a proponent of contemporary terrorism as practiced today. He was a soldier and a statesman and, over time, a man of peace...

There are those who have called this film a 'pro-IRA' movie, but I believe that this inaccurate description is being used simply to inflame an already contentious situation. Collins' Irish Volunteers did later take the name of the IRA, but then split into two factions in 1921 over the issue of whether to accept the partition treaty Collins had negotiated with the British. The IRA we refer to today is technically known as the Provisional IRA, and was created in 1969 in Belfast as a result of the intensified troubles in that area.

The film spares neither the Irish nor the British in its depiction of the savagery of the time. How often has independence been achieved without bloodshed? Very rarely. But allied to Collins' capacity for violence was the ability to see when it had to stop, when political means and negotiations would be the only way forward. He died in his attempt to replace warfare with ordinary democratic politics. Although many people have celebrated Michael Collins the Irish Warrior, I believe this movie tells the story of Michael Collins the Irish Patriot, statesman and ultimately, man of peace."

 Michael Collins Web Page  - Suzanne Barrett
 

1921 Anglo-Irish Treaty & Michael Collins

Courtesy: Award Winning Sarah's Michael Collins Site
- winner of 3 shamrocks by the Doras Directory
and honored with Nancy's Celtic Award 2003

Michael CollinsMichael Collins - Commander iRA
Michael Collins - l. at the Treaty Negotions - r. as Commander in Chief

Comment by tamilnation.org  During the uneasy peace of the Norwegian sponsored Negotiation Process a Tamil Eelam expatriate visited the Vanni. At that time he had the the opportunity of meeting with  Tamil Eelam leader Velupillai Pirabakaran. At one stage, Pirabakaran had reportedly asked the visitor: 'Have you seen the film Michael Collins?'.  The visitor replied in the negative. Pirabakaran had replied: 'You should'. The visitor was puzzled. The visitor had not even known who Michael Collins was. We ourselves do not claim to know what the Tamil Eelam leader  may have had in mind. But, what we do know is that Michael Collins' role in the Anglo Irish negotiations which culminated in the 1921 Anglo Irish Treaty is a lesson from history from which we can all learn..

In 1921, Eamon de Valera, the Irish leader knew that the British would not grant total independence to Ireland and that, at that time, the IRA lacked the fire power to oust the British armed forces from Ireland. It is said that de Valera decided not to go to the talks in London but cajoled  Collins  to go.

'Collins�s close friend and colleague in the pursuit of independence, Emmet Dalton, and many other members of the IRA, were upset at the prospect of Michael leaving to negotiate anything with the British. The British had been in the dark for so long regarding what Collins even looked like that the possibility of Michael revealing himself in London seemed incredibly perilous'.

Collins eventually consented but he knew that  he was committing  political suicide by agreeing to lead the negotiations.

Later, when asked whether he had signed the Anglo Irish Treaty under duress, Collins response was that he did not sign the Treaty under duress, but that  'the element of duress was present when we agreed to the Truce, because our simple right would have been to beat the English out of Ireland. There was an element of duress in going to London to negotiate.'

In the end, as De Valera had anticipated, the Anglo Irish Treaty divided Ireland into the so called Irish Free State and Northern Ireland. Northern Ireland  effectively continued under British Rule as before. And the Treaty provided that the Irish Free State would  "have the same constitutional status in the Community of Nations known as the British Empire as the Dominion of Canada, the Commonwealth of Australia, the Dominion of New Zealand and the Union of South Africa". It was also agreed that  the oath to be taken by Members of the Parliament of the Irish Free State shall be in the following form:

 'I ...�.. do solemnly swear true faith and allegiance to the Constitution of the Irish Free State as by law established and that I will be faithful to H. M. King George V, his heirs and successors by law, in virtue of the common citizenship of Ireland with Great Britain and her adherence to and membership of the group of nations forming the British Commonwealth of Nations.'. 

Furthermore the Treaty secured the continuity of British bases for its navy and army  in Ireland. Clause 7 of the Treaty declared inter alia -

The Government of the Irish Free State shall afford to His Majesty's Imperial Forces:

(a) In time of peace such harbour and other facilities as are indicated in the Annex hereto, or such other facilities as may from time to time be agreed between the British Government and the Government of the Irish Free State; and

(b) In time of war or of strained relations with a Foreign Power such harbour and other facilities as the British Government may require for the purposes of such defence as aforesaid.

After the Treaty was signed, the Irish Republican Army split into pro Treaty  and   Anti Treaty IRA forces. The lack of public support for the anti-treaty forces  and the determination of the Irish Provisional government headed by Michael Collins contributed  to the defeat of the anti treaty forces. Collins and his pro-treaty forces built up an army with many tens of thousands of  World War I veterans from the disbanded Irish regiments of the British Army, together with British supplies of arms. And the threat of a return of the British army itself to Ireland strengthened the hands of those Irish who felt that the Treaty was the best available alternative at that time.

Unsurprisingly Collins  himself was assassinated by one of the members of the Irish Republican Army of which he had been an illustrious and charismatic commander. Said that many Irish  today do not regard Michael Collins as a traitor. He may have signed his death warrant by signing the Treaty but by so doing he had also created the  political platform for the struggle for a fully independent Ireland to succeed in the years to come. The fact that the agreement between the British delegation and the Irish delegation was a 'Treaty' (usually an instrument between states) and not a 13th Amendment style 'devolution' comic opera was itself a  significant recognition accorded to the Irish nation.  It was this which led Collins to say -

"Think, what have I got for Ireland? Something she has wanted these past 700 years. Will anyone be satisfied at the bargain? Will anyone? I tell you this, I have signed my death warrant."

In the event, some 15 years after the Anglo Irish Treaty was signed, the 1921 Constitution of the Irish Free State was repealed and the people of Ireland gave themselves the Constitution of Ireland  which created a new state called "�ire" .  The office of the Governor General of Ireland was abolished and the office of an elected President was created. Eamon de Valera became the first President of Eire and Ireland remained neutral during World  War 2. The Republic of Ireland Act came into force in 1948 and Eire moved out of the British Commonwealth. It may be that Lloyd George was right when he had said that negotiating with Eamon De Valera was like trying to pick up mercury with a fork.


In 1921, Eamon DeValera suggested that Michael Collins travel to America to take advantage of a new President coming into office. He believed that Collins could rouse Americans to support the idea of Ireland joining the League of Nations if the U.S. itself would join. DeValera thought that membership in the League would provide financial, political, and military advantages to Ireland and would make Ireland and America closer than ever. He attempted to cajole Collins into going by inflating his ego. It did not work as he had planned.

"Despite all the protestations and flattery, Collins felt that DeValera was just trying to get him out of the way. He was indeed more moderate than was generally realised, but it was unlikely that anyone had ever before accused him of being overly modest (as DeValera did in trying to win him over on the idea of going to America). 'That long whore won't get rid of me as easy as that,' Collins remarked bitterly" (T. Ryle Dwyer).

British Prime Minister David Lloyd George knew the importance of solving the Irish problems as soon as possible. DeValera and Lloyd George had engaged in a series of informal talks and a truce to the fighting was called on July 11, 1921. DeValera, Arthur Griffith, and a small group of delegates went to London a month later to commence with additional negotiations. DeValera was not pleased with what had been said in those meetings and applied pressure to Collins to go as a delegate in his place. DeValera realized that the British were not prepared to offer the Irish total independence.

The British side proposed partioning the country into two parts: a section in the north to be governed by Protestants and in the south, the Irish Free State governed predominately by Nationalists. To a man whose future was wrapped in political ambition, bringing home such an agreement could mean career suicide. DeValera started cajoling Collins again, this time to be part of Treaty negotiations. There are a number of possible reasons in addition to the obvious one why DeValera thought Collins could make negotiations work. For starters, Collins had an amazing talent for making things happen. Tom Barry again recalls another time when Collins left him astounded:

"At first I thought it was odd that all those men should have had interviews with an officer who nominally held the rank of D/I (Director of Intelligence) about matters which were no concern of [the] Intelligence Department. That was before I realised that Michael Collins was virtually Commander-in-Chief in fact, if not in name, of the Army of the Irish Republic. Before meeting Collins, I had often heard officers from the Southern Units remark that the only way to get G.H.Q. (General Headquarters) to do things was to 'See Mick' about it. There was a unanimous feeling amongst the Field Officers that 'Mick' would back them to the hilt and that of all the people in Dublin he was the practical go-getter."

Second, Collins was not a country bumpkin. His knowledge of politics went beyond what most people realized.

"Collins' statesmanlike qualities were later to be shown by his shrewd analysis of the Treaty and his assessment of what could be gained under it. History has proved Collins correct and his detractors wrong" (Ulick O'Connor).

Moreover, it is important to remember that Collins had been a successful businessman and financier. Kathleen Clarke, Tom Clarke's widow, had been so impressed with the young Collins that she labeled him as possessing a "forceful personality," "wonderful magnetism," and great "organizing ability" (Terry Golway). It has also been suggested that DeValera thought Collins could accomplish more because of his reputation for mayhem. In any case, Collins had his own ideas. Michael knew that going to negotiate with the British would bring an element he had struggled to avoid at all costs: he would lose his anonymity.

"Negotiation only began several months after a truce was called. By that time, Collins' secret, underground, guerrilla army, the I.R.A. of its day, was a secret no more. In Collins' own words, once a ceasefire was declared, the I.R.A. men were: 'Like rabbits coming out of their holes.' Their main weapon, secrecy, was gone" (T. P. Coogan).

Collins�s close friend and colleague in the pursuit of independence, Emmet Dalton, and many other members of the IRA, were upset at the prospect of Michael leaving to negotiate anything with the British. The British had been in the dark for so long regarding what Collins even looked like that the possibility of Michael revealing himself in London seemed incredibly perilous. However reluctantly, Michael agreed to go and thus to follow the chain of command.

Collins was off to England with his picture snapped and posted on the front of newspapers, an experience he was not adjusted to enjoying. The Treaty negotiations started on October 11, 1921. The delegations were as follows:

"With them (Arthur Griffith and Michael Collins) went Robert Barton, the Minister for Economic Affairs and a former British officer bristling with all the Republican zeal of the convert; Eamon Duggan, a legal expert and a member of the Truce Committee; and George Gavan Duffy, the D�il envoy in Rome. Erskine Childers acted as secretary to the delegation. For the (British) government there were the Prime Minister, Lord Birkenhead, Austen Chamberlain, Winston Churchill, Sir Laming Worthington Evans (Secretary for War), and Sir Hamar Greenwood (Chief Secretary for Ireland)" (Ronan Fanning, "Michael Collins: An Overview" Michael Collins and the Making of the Irish State).

Several of the British negotiators did not even want to shake hands with Collins so they went immediately to the bargaining table. A number of meetings and conferences took place over a two-month period. Collins fully understood shortly after the negotiations started that he had been set up. Tom Paulin, critic, playwright and poet, discussed Collins's frustration during his interview on The South Bank Show :

"He did not have DeValera's slippery political cunning―Lloyd George famously said negotiating with Eamon DeValera was like trying to pick up mercury with a fork. He did not have that. He walked into a trap and in the negotiations he realized that and he used to say to his fellow delegates when the British weren't around, you know, 'That long whore has got me.' And he walked into a trap, he knew when he'd signed the Treaty as he said in the famous letter, he'd signed his death warrant."

Though Collins was initially regarded as a vile thug by some members of the British negotiating team, Lord Birkenhead actually warmed to him. Birkenhead was a prized legal mind of his time and, according to Ulick O'Connor, "was one of the great jurists in history." He was stunned that Collins could have allied his skill for mayhem with an astute knowledge of political affairs. The two became friends and Birkenhead reflected to Churchill in a letter how impressed he was with Collins.

After the tedious Treaty discussions, Lloyd George and his British team offered Ireland Free State status coupled with an oath of allegiance. Collins knew this was not what he was sent for, but on December 5, an ultimatum was issued. Lloyd George gave the Irish side until 10 p.m. that night to accept or reject the terms. Failure to do this would result in "an immediate and terrible war."

The Anglo-Irish Treaty, the first ever treaty between England and Ireland, was signed by both sides around 2 a.m. on December 6, 1921. Collins was both disappointed and exhausted. Later he was to challenge the notion that he signed the Treaty under duress:

"I did not sign the Treaty under duress, except in the sense that the position as between Ireland and England, historically, and because of superior forces on the part of England, has always been one of duress. The element of duress was present when we agreed to the Truce, because our simple right would have been to beat the English out of Ireland. There was an element of duress in going to London to negotiate. But there was not, and could not have been, any personal duress. The threat of 'immediate and terrible war' did not matter overmuch to me. The position appeared to be then exactly as it appears now. The British would not, I think, have declared terrible and immediate war upon us."

Although Collins firmly denied that he signed the Treaty to avoid the threats hurled by Lloyd George, there are still questions to consider regarding his decision to go in the first place and his subsequent actions once he arrived in London:

"But sharp differences exist concerning the quality of his political judgement, above all during the Treaty negotiations and the post-Treaty period. Should he have gone to London at all, or like Cathal Brugha and Austin Stack, refused the poisoned chalice�or at least refused unless De Valera supped from it as well? Was he first out-maneuvered by De Valera in Dublin, and then by Lloyd George in London? Was he a novice in the hands of these allegedly more astute operators? Was he right to sign the Treaty? Did he subsequently, as Chairman of the Provisional Government, �try to do too much� to avoid the Civil War, in contrast to De Valera�s �too little,� in the lapidary formation of Desmond Williams?" (J.J. Lee, "The Challenge of a Collins Biography" Michael Collins and the Making of the Irish State).

Generally, however, the words that surround Collins' role in the Treaty negotiations are those contained in his self-fulfilling prophesy: "Think, what have I got for Ireland? Something she has wanted these past 700 years. Will anyone be satisfied at the bargain? Will anyone? I tell you this, I have signed my death warrant."

 


Text of Anglo-Irish Treaty


Anglo-Irish Treaty Articles of Agreement as Signed on December 6, 1921

(1) Ireland shall have the same constitutional status in the Community of Nations known as the British Empire as the Dominion of Canada, the Commonwealth of Australia, the Dominion of New Zealand and the Union of South Africa, with a Parliament having powers to make laws for the peace, order and good government of Ireland and an Executive responsible to that Parliament, and shall be styled and known as the Irish Free State.

(2) Subject to the provisions hereinafter set out the position of the Irish Free State in relation to the Imperial Parliament and Government and otherwise shall be that of the Dominion of Canada, and the law practice and constitutional usage governing the relationship of the Crown or the representative of the Crown and of the Imperial Parliament to the Dominion of Canada shall govern their relationship to the Irish Free State.

(3) The representative of the Crown in Ireland shall be appointed in like manner as the Governor-General of. Canada and in accordance with the practice observed in the making of such appointments.

(4) The oath to be taken by Members of the Parliament of the Irish Free State shall be in the following form:

I ...�.. do solemnly swear true faith and allegiance to the Constitution of the Irish Free State as by law established and that I will be faithful to H. M. King George V, his heirs and successors by law, in virtue of the common citizenship of Ireland with Great Britain and her adherence to and membership of the group of nations forming the British Commonwealth of Nations.

(5) The Irish Free State shall assume liability for the service of the Public Debt of the United Kingdom as existing at the date hereof and towards the payment of war pensions as existing at that date in such proportion as may be fair and equitable, having regard to any just claims on the part of Ireland by way of set-off or counter-claim, the amount of such sums being determined in default of agreement by the arbitration of one or more independent persons being citizens of the British Empire.

(6) Until an arrangement has been made between the British and Irish Governments whereby the Irish Free State undertakes her own coastal defence, the defence by sea of Great Britain and Ireland shall be undertaken by His Majesty's Imperial Forces. But this shall not prevent the construction or maintenance by the Government of the Irish Free State of such vessels as are necessary for the protection of the Revenue or the Fisheries.
The foregoing provisions of this Article shall be reviewed at a Conference of Representatives of the British and Irish Governments to be held at the expiration of five years from the date hereof with a view to a share in her own coastal defence.

(7) The Government of the Irish Free State shall afford to His Majesty's Imperial Forces:

(a) In time of peace such harbour and other facilities as are indicated in the Annex hereto, or such other facilities as may from time to time be agreed between the British Government and the Government of the Irish Free State; and

(b) In time of war or of strained relations with a Foreign Power such harbour and other facilities as the British Government may require for the purposes of such defence as aforesaid.

(8) With a view to securing the observance of the principle of international limitation of armaments, if the Government of the Irish Free State establishes and maintains a military defence force, the establishments thereof shall not exceed in size such proportion of the military establishments maintained in Great Britain as that which the population of Ireland bears to the population of Great Britain.

(9) The ports of Great Britain and the Irish Free State shall be freely open to the ships of the other country on payment of the customary port and other dues.

(10) The Government of the Irish Free State agrees to pay fair compensation on terms not less favourable than those accorded by the Act of 1920 to judges, officials, members of Police Forces and other Public Servants who are discharged by it or who retire in consequence of the change of Government effected in pursuance hereof.
Provided that this agreement shall not apply to members of the Auxiliary Police Force or to persons recruited in Great Britain for the Royal Irish Constabulary during the two years next preceding the date hereof. The British Government will assume responsibility for such compensation or pensions as may be payable to any of these excepted persons.

(11) Until the expiration of one month from the passing of the Act of Parliament for the ratification of this instrument, the powers of the Parliament and the Government of the Irish Free State shall not be exercisable as respects Northern Ireland and the provisions of the Government of Ireland Act, 1920, shall so far as they relate to Northern Ireland remain of full force and effect, and no election shall be held for the return of members to serve in the Parliament of the Irish Free State for constituencies in Northern Ireland, unless a resolution is passed by both Houses of the Parliament of Northern Ireland in favour of the holding of such election before the end of the said month.

(12) If before the expiration of the said month, an address is presented to His Majesty by both Houses of the Parliament of Northern Ireland to that effect, the powers of the Parliament and Government of the Irish Free State shall no longer extend to Northern Ireland, and the provisions of the Government of Ireland Act., 1920 (including those relating to the Council of Ireland) shall, so far as they relate to Northern Ireland continue to be of full force and effect, and this instrument shall have effect subject to the necessary modifications.

Provided that if such an address is so presented a Commission consisting of three Persons, one to be appointed by the Government of the Irish Free State, one to be appointed by the Government of Northern Ireland and one who shall be Chairman to be appointed by the British Government shall determine in accordance with the wishes of the inhabitants, so far as may be compatible with economic and geographic conditions, the boundaries between Northern Ireland and the rest of Ireland, and for the purposes of the Government of Ireland Act, 1920, and of this instrument, the boundary of Northern Ireland shall be such as may be determined by such Commission.

(13) For the purpose of the last foregoing article, the powers of the Parliament of Southern Ireland under the Government of Ireland Act, 1920, to elect members of the Council of Ireland shall after the Parliament of the Irish Free State is constituted be exercised by that Parliament.

(14) After the expiration of the said month, if no such address as is mentioned in Article 12 hereof is Presented, the Parliament and Government of Northern Ireland shall continue to exercise as respects Northern Ireland the powers conferred on them by the Government of Ireland Act, 1920, but the Parliament and Government of the Irish Free State shall in Northern Ireland have in relation to matters in respect of which the Parliament of Northern Ireland has not power to make laws under that Act (including matters which under the said Act are within the jurisdiction of the Council of Ireland) the same powers as in the rest of Ireland, subject to such other provisions as may he agreed in manner hereinafter appearing.

(15) At any time after the date hereof the Government of Northern Ireland and the provisional Government of Southern Ireland hereinafter constituted may meet for the purpose of discussing the provisions subject to which the last foregoing article is to operate in the event of no such address as is therein mentioned being presented and those provisions may include:

(a) Safeguards with regard to patronage in Northern Ireland:

(b) Safeguards with regard to the collection of revenue in Northern Ireland:

(c) Safeguards with regard to import and export duties affecting the trade or industry of Northern Ireland:

(d) Safeguards for minorities in Northern Ireland:

(c) The settlement of the financial relations between Northern Ireland and the Irish Free State:

(f) The establishment and powers of a local militia in Northern Ireland and the relation of the Defence Forces of the Irish Free State and of Northern Ireland respectively:

and if at any such meeting provisions are agreed to, the same shall have effect as if they were included amongst the provisions subject to which the Powers of the Parliament and Government of the Irish Free State are to be exercisable in Northern Ireland under Article 14 hereof.

(16) Neither the Parliament of the Irish Free State nor the Parliament of Northern Ireland shall make any law so as either directly or indirectly to endow any religion or. prohibit or restrict the free exercise thereof or give any preference or impose any disability on account of religious belief or religious status or affect prejudicially the right of any child to attend a school receiving public money without attending religious instruction at the school or make any discrimination as respects state aid between schools under the management of different religious denominations or divert from any religious denomination. or any educational institution any of its property except for public utility purposes and on payment of compensation.

(17) By way of provisional arrangement for the administration of Southern Ireland during the interval which must elapse between the date hereof and the constitution of a Parliament and Government of the Irish Free State in accordance therewith, steps shall be taken forthwith for summoning a meeting of members of Parliament elected for constituencies in Southern Ireland since the passing of the Government of Ireland Act, 1920, and for constituting a provisional Government, and the British Government shall take the steps necessary to transfer to such provisional Government the powers and machinery requisite for the discharge of its duties, provided that every member of such provisional Government shall have signified in writing his or her acceptance of this instrument. But this arrangement shall not continue in force beyond the expiration of twelve months from the date hereof.

(18) This instrument shall be submitted forthwith by is Majesty's Government for the approval of Parliament and by the Irish signatories to a meeting summoned for the purpose of the members elected to sit in the House of Commons of Southern Ireland, and if approved shall be ratified by the necessary legislation.

On behalf of the British delegation: On behalf of the Irish delegation:
Signed Signed
D. Lloyd George Art � Gr�obtha (Arthur Griffith)
Austen Chamberlain Michael � Coil�ain (Michael Collins)
Birkenhead Riob�rd Bart�n (Robert Barton)
Winston S. Churchill Eudhmonn S. � D�g�in (Eamon Duggan)
L. Worthington Evans Se�rsa Ghabh�in U� Dhubhthaigh (George Gavan Duffy)
Hamar Greenwood
Gordon Hewart

December 6, 1921


ANNEX

(1) The following are the specific facilities required:

Dockyard Port at Berehaven

(a) Admiralty property and rights to be retained as at the rate hereof. Harbour defences to remain in charge of British care and maintenance parties.

Queenstown

(b) Harbour defences to remain in charge of British care and maintenance parties. Certain mooring buoys to be retained for use of His Majesty's ships.

Belfast Lough

(c) Harbour defences to remain in charge of British care and maintenance parties.

Lough Swilly

(d) Harbour defences to remain in charge of British care and maintenance parties.

Aviation

(e) Facilities in the neighbourhood of the above Ports for coastal defence by air.

Oil Fuel Storage

(f) Haulbowline, Rathmullen - To be offered for sale to commercial companies under guarantee that purchasers shall maintain a certain minimum stock for Admiralty purposes.

(2) A Convention shall be made between the British Government and the Government of the Irish Free State to give effect to the following conditions:

(a) That submarine cables shall not be landed or wireless stations for communications with places outside Ireland be established, except by agreement with the British Government; that the existing cable landing rights and wireless concessions shall not be withdrawn except by agreement with the British Government; and that the British Government shall be entitled to land additional submarine cables or establish additional wireless stations for communication with places outside Ireland.

(b) That lighthouses, buoys, beacons, and any navigational marks or navigational aids shall he maintained by the Government of the Irish Free State as at the date hereof and shall not be removed or added to except by agreement with the British Government.

(c) That war signal stations shall be closed down and left in charge of care and maintenance parties, the Government of the Irish Free State being offered the option of taking them over and working them for commercial purposes subject to Admiralty inspection, and guaranteeing the upkeep of existing telegraphic communication therewith.

(3) A Convention shall be made between the same Governments for the regulation of Civil Communication by Air.


D. Ll. G. A. G.
A. C. M. O. C.
B. R. B.
W. S. C. S. G. B.
E. S. O. D.

 

 

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