Introduction
A general study of the documents, extant in the Tamil
language, which have a bearing on the historical background of the Jaffna
Peninsula, does always evoke much cultural interest and afford abundant scope
for valuable research. Not all the documents, available to the scholar in this
field, have been exploited in full for the purpose of extracting mat�erial data
in the compilation of an exhaustive analytical survey of the history of the
Peninsula and the door yet remains open for much further research in the
revision of hitherto recorded accounts. This paper aims at focusing the
attention of the student interested in the history, pertaining to this part of
the Island of Ceylon, to but a few of the glaring instances of misconception,
confusion and diametrically opposing inter�pretations in analyses, hitherto
attempted, and is necessarily limited in its scope to be deemed, per se, any
comprehensive treatise on this subject.
For the purpose of brevity, only two ancient main
documentaries have been culled out of the large fund of relevant literary and
historical works for critical study.
Yalppana Vaipava Malai
Historians have, by and large, depended on 'Y�lppana Vaipava
M�lai� for an account of the political and social survey of the Jaffna
Peninsula. �Y�lpp�na Vaipava M�lai� is a work of Mayilvakanap pulavar, who lived
in Jaffna in the 18th Century A.D. This work provides a glimpse into the early
history of Jaffna, beginning from the period of the reign of Vibhisana to that
of the Dutch Conquest.
A verse in the preface of the book (verse
1) acknowledges that Mayilv�kanap Pulavar wrote the �Y�lpp�na Vaipava
M�lai�at the request of Maccara, who was the Administrator of the Dutch
possessions in Jaffna in 1736. (1) The
preface reveals that the poet drew his material for the early history of Jaffna
from �Vaiy�p�dal�, �Kail�yamalai�, Parar�cacekaran Ula�, and �R�camurai�. While
the last two manuscripts provided the insight into the chronological account of
the �Aryaccakkaravarti� Kings of Jaffna, the poet utilised the first two for his
material on the early settlements of Jaffna. Since the last two works,
�Parar�cac�karan Ula�, and �R�camurai� are no longer available, �Y�lpp�na
Vaipava M�lai� is now the main source of data for the history of the
�Aryaccakkaravartis�. �Vaiy�p�dal� and �Kail�yam�lai� are in print and they
afford the student the basic material for a critical study of the
pre-Aryaccakkaravarti era.
Vaiyapadal
The �Vaiy�p�dal� was printed from �Ola� manuscripts for the
first time in Jaffna in 1921 by Mr. J. W. Arudprakasam and in Penang in the year
1922 by Mr. E. T. Civ�nantan. This book is reputed to have been written by the
poet �Vaiy�, the Court Bard of Cekar�cac�karan, who reigned over the kingdom of
Jaffna in the 15th Century A.D. The purport of the work, as portrayed in the
third verse, (verse 3) was to narrate a
recorded account of the kings of Ceylon of their dynasties and of their
subjects.
Contribution of the Sage, Cubatiddu
In as much as Mayilvaganap Pulavar relied for his �Yalpp�na
Vaipava M�lai� of the 18th Century on the �Vaiyapadal� and the Kail�ya�malai� of
the 15th century, so did the author of the �Vaiy�p�dal� depend for his history
of the pre-Christian era of Ceylon on an account rendered by a sage named
Cubatiddu, son of Atika Cittu, and grandson of the sage of the �Potia Malai�.
The fifth verse of the �Vaiyapadal� (verse 5) makes reference to this
indebtedness to Cubatiddu, and to the latter�s identity.
Although the precise content of this account is now not
known, it could well be inferred that the early part of the �Vaiy�p�dal� does
reflect the account by the sage, as acknowledged by the author �Vaiy��.
Strangely enough the author of �Y�jpp�na Vaipava M�lai� has construed this
account of the sage �Cubatiddu� to be a prophesy, rendered to the King
Cekar�cac�karan of the 15th Century A.D. While the author of the �Vaiya P�dal�
would make one feel that the account of Cubatiddu is in fact an earlier
work, its prophetic appellation in the �Y�pp�na Vaipava M�lai� cannot go
unchallenged on account of its obvious chronological inconsistency. It will be
nearer the truth to hold that there was an account of Ceylon by the sage
Cubatiddu long before the period of the �Vaiy�p�dal�, and to accept the alleged
�prophesy� of the sage, during the 15th Century, as a legend woven around the
concept of the fifth stanza in the �Vaiy�p�dal�.
Agastiyar, the sage of the �Potia Malai�, is known to have
lived in the first Cankam period of the Pandyan kingdom. Although there is a
school of thought that the Cankam period belonged to the pre-Christian era, yet
scholars like Professor S. Vaiy�puripillai have concluded that the first three
centuries after Christ, constituted the period of the first Cankam. Agastiyar,
who lived not later than the 3rd Century A.D.. could therefore not have had a
grandson, living as late as in the 15th century A.D. That the sage Cubatiddu
foretold this �prophesy� in the 15th cen�tury A.D. in these circumstances is
indeed in the nature of an anachronism.
First Kingdom of Jaffna according to the 'Vaiyapadal'
The �Vaiy�p�dal� begins with an account of the end of R�vana,
and the crowning of Vibhisana by R�ma as the King of Ceylon. Its verse 12
narrates how the sandy stretches of the northern coastal belt of Lanka were
developed into a fertile and productive Kingdom by a �Y�l� player, who performed
in the presence of Vibhisna. The next stanza goes on to relate how a King from
India, who was the son of a cousin of Dasarata, was invited to rule over this
land. The period of his rule is said to be 3000 of the Kaliyuga, corresponding
to 101 B.C.
It is feasible to conclude that a kingdom of the Tamils
existed in this part of the Island, during this period, for the following
reasons:
(i) The story of the rule of the Tamil King El�la in
Ceylon in the 2nd century B.C. is well known, and the existence of the
Tamils and their rule during and after that period cannot therefore be
disputed.
(ii) In the Tamil Cankam period of ancient times, there is
reference to �Tlattuppatan T�van�r�, who has to his credit four poems in the
'Nattinai�, three poems in the �Kuruntokai�, and three poems in the 'Aka
N�n�ru� - all of the Cankam Age. The Cankam period has been discussed at
length by various scholars, and there is general consensus of opinion that
this period can be located between the 3rd century B.C.. and the 3rd century
A.D. (Since the scope of this paper is not to discuss the Cankam period, the
findings of eminent scholars is being accepted in this connection.) The poet
�Ilattup P�tan T�van�r� can therefore well be deemed to have lived sometime
during this period, 3rd century B.C. to 3rd century A.D. During the first
century before and after Christ it will thus be conceded, there were in Ilam
(Ceylon) Tamil scholars, on whom the highest literary body of the P�ndyan
Kingdom bestowed its recognition. There must necessarily also have been a
cultured Tamil society in Ceylon at that time.
The 'Yal'
Player
The �Vaiy� P�dal� does not state categorically how Jaffna got
its name �Yalppanam�. It may be surmised that the author took it for granted
that the origin of the name was obvious from the fact that the �Y�l� player
founded the kingdom.
The �Kail�yam�lai� relates that Jaffna was gifted to a
�Y�l� player by V�lacinkan, a son of Ukkiracinkan and M�rutappuravalli. This
dates the origin of the name �Y�1pp�nam� to the 8th century A.D.
The �Y�ljpp�na Vaipava M�lai�, relying on �Kail�yam�lai�,
relates that a blind poet by the name of �Kavi Vira R�kavan� also a �Y�l�
player, received a gift of the land from V�lacinkan, son of M�rutappuravalli and
Ukkiracinkan, who reigned from Cenkadakanakar. (Rev. Fr. S. Gn�naprak�sar is
however of the opinion that the author of the �Y�lppana Vaipava M�lai� has
confused Ukkiracinkan and M�rutappuravalli for Kulakk�ddan and Adakacountari.)
Father Gn�naprak�sar concludes that the story of the blind
poet �Yal� player Virarakavan has been elaborated from the �Vaiv�p�dal�
narrative of the �Yal� player, and confused with an episode of the poet
�Kavivirar�kavan� of a later period.
Another version of this account is that of Mr. A.
Mootootamby�pillay in his Jaffna History. He seeks to establish that the land
was gifted to a blind �Y�l� player by King El�lacinkan. during his reign in the
2nd century B.C.. Mr. Mootootambypillay�s authority for this theory came from a
stanza in an anthology of verses entitled �Tanipp�dal�.
Underlying each of the above diverse accounts, is a single
dominant figure in the �Yal� player. It is important to evaluate these
different versions in order to arrive at the most feasible record of this
chapter of history. Before so doing, it will be both significant and
relevant to examine the contentions of the various scholars, who have traced
the origin of the name �Y�lppanam�.
The
Name 'Yalppanam'
Mr. S. Kumaraswamy, in his analysis of place names in the
Northern province of Ceylon has the following observation to make:
"From the days of Kuperan and Ravanan Ilam (Lanka)
was noted for her music on the harp: Ilamandalam boasted of talent which
R�ja R�ja Pandiyan invited into South India to be a match to Virapattiran
and Pattini, the unrivalled musicians of Madurai of his day; it is thus
natural that the Tamil rulers of Ilam should appropriately have named the
place �Y�lpp�nam� in recognition of her fame as the abode of musicians."
Rev. Fr. Gn�naprak�sar, however, does not give credence to
this version. In his Y�!pp�na Vaipava Vimarcanam (a critical history of Jaffna),
he makes a counter-suggestion that the author of �Kail�ya M�lai�, may as well
more plausibly have propounded the theory that �Y�lpp�nam� was derived by virtue
of the name of her inhabitants � the �Y�lpp�nar� rather than attribute its
derivation to the imaginative folk-lore of the blind lutist.
The learned Father falls back on the hypothesis expounded by
Mudaliy�r A. M. Gunasekera that �Yalppanam� is derived from the Sinhala
translation of the name �Nallur�. �Y�p� from �Yahapat� in Sinhala meaning
�good� (nalla) and �Ne� in Sinhala meaning �village" (ur) together combine to
make �Y�pane� in Sinhala to mean Nallur the capital of the Arya Kings of
Jaffna during the 15th, 16th and 17th Centuries.
Yet another interesting interpretation of the name
�Y�lpp�nam� is offered by Dr. S. Paranavit�na, in his article entitled �The Arya
Kingdom in North Ceylon�. He says:
�The Sinhalese name �Y�p�patuna� means the port of Y�p�. ..
. It seems to have come into vogue after the Malays or J�vak�s gained political
influence in the Island. The word J�v� or Javak� is also found in the form Y�v�
or Y�vak�. The Chinese equivalent of J�v�, Chipo, indicates that the �v� was one
time pronounced as �p�, i.e. J�p�. The �Kul�ttunkan K�vai� in one stanza
mentions Cavakam (J�vaka) as a country which acknowledged the supremacy of
Kul�ttunka III, and in another stanza makes a similar mention of C�pam. It is
possible that C�pam and C�vakam both refer to the same country, Java or Javaka.
If so, the change of �v� to �p� in the name is attested in Tamil also. The
change of �v� to �p� could also have developed in the course of the name being
pronounced by the Sinhalese, for this phonological process is attested in that
language by such words as �lapa� for Sanskrit �lava� and �Sapana� for Sanskrit
�Carvana�. �Y�p�patuna� would thus signify the �Port of the Javakas�.... The
modem form �Yalpanam� must also go back to this Sinhalese name.�
Malayan Invasion of Ceylon
The fact that a J�vaka by the name of Candrabh�nu and his
followers invaded Ceylon in the middle of the 13th century A.D. is vouched
for in the History of Ceylon published by the Ceylon University. It is held
in that publication that �the term J�vaka, by which Candrabhanu is referred
to, applies not only to the people of the Island of J�v�, but also to those
of Sum�tr� and the Malay peninsula, for all these were, and largely still
are, of the same race.� (2)
Candrabh�nu was therefore a Malay. �He had brought large
areas of the north of Ceylon under his control, consolidated them into a
king�dom and gained the confidence of the people of these districts,
including the Sinhalese, by good Government and benefactions to religion,
before he advanced to Y�p�vu. C�vakacc�ri in the Jaffna Peninsula, and
J�vakak�tte (3) on the mainland of Ceylon
were most probably strongholds established by Candrabh�nu before he advanced
into the Mayarata.�(4)
Theories
Analysed
And now to assess the merits of these different theories:
The so called �Sinhalese name�, �Y�p�patuna� is a combination of the words
�Y�p� and �Patuna�. The latter is a corrupt form of the Tamil word
�pattinam�, meaning a sea-port-town. This word has been used in the very
same sense as early as in the Cankam Tamil Literature, Pattinapp�lai. (5)
The change of �v� to �p� in the word J�v� cannot be
justified in Tamil by a solitary example, �C�pam�, a word which has many
other meanings in Tamil such as vow, curse etc. The terms �C�vakacc�ri� and
�Cav�nk�ttai�, two place names in Jaffna, attributed to the �J�vak�s� do not
reflect such a change. Nor in Tamil literature is there evidence of any such
change in the word �J�v� which occurs therein as �C�vakam�. Further �J�v�
has never been referred to in Tamil Literature as such or as �J�v�, and so,
a change from Y�v� to Y�p� does not simply arise. In the circumstances.
�Y�p� cannot be considered to be a Tamil form of �J�v�. It is neither the
Sinhala form of �Java�, for in Sinhala Literature, J�v� had never been
referred to as �Y�p�. �J� or �Jav�� is the common term in Sinhala
connoting the �J�vak�s� or the Malays as found in place names such as �J�
Ela�, �J�watte� etc. It is incredible that the Tamil word �Pattinam� could
have been suffixed to a so-called Sinhala word �Y�p� derived from �J�v�.
The obvious conclusion, therefore, is that �Yap�patuna� is a Sinhala form of
the Tamil name �Y�lpp�na�pattinam�.
The interpretation of Mudaliy�r A. M. Gunas�kera, given to
the name �Yalpp�nam�, that it is derived from �Y�pane�, a translation into
Sinhala of the Tamil name �Nall�r�, contradicts Dr. Paranavit�na�s theory
dealt with in the preceding paragraphs. It is quite far-fetched that the
already famed Tamil Capital �Nallur� came to be renamed by the Tamils, after
the Sinhala equivalent of the name of this place. It is besides neither
customary nor traditional generally to translate place-names from one
language into another for common usage. If it were indeed true that the
�Nallur� of Jaffna was known to the Sinhalese communities by the Sinhala
translation of this name, it cannot be explained how the �Nallur� of
P�nadura, in the Western province of Ceylon has been known to them as
�Nall�ruva� and not by its alleged Sinhala translation. Obviously, the
Sinhala form of the Tamil word �Nallur� is 'Nalluruva' and not �Yapane�; and
therefore, the conclusion that �Y�lpp�nam� was derived from the Sinhala form
of the name �Nallur� (Y�pane) is not tenable. �Y�pane� could, therefore, be
only an aberration in the Sinhala of the Tamil word �Y�lppfanam�.
Other Probable Tamil Place Names
In this context, it may be of interest to cite a few
place-names in other parts of the Island, which suggest a Tamil origin; in
the Western Coast such as Puttalam, Cil�pam (Chilaw), Nirkolumbo
(Nikumpalai, Negombo), Kalattarai (Kalutara), P�nanturai (P�nadura), M�tarai
(Matara), Teivanturai (Dondra); in central Ceylon such as Kandy, Pulatinagar
(Polanaruwa), Mineri (Min�riya), Senkadagala and indeed in the Eastern
coast, pure Tamil names such as Mullaittivu, Tirukonamalai (Trincomalee),
M�tur, Verukal, V�kaneri, V�laicc�nai, Tirukk�vil, Akkaraippattu,
Puliantivu, Kalmunai, Kalkud�, Mandur, Cenkalladi, Eravur, K�ddaimunai,
K�ttankudi, Ceddip�layam, P�ndiruppu, Nintav�r, Vant�rum�lai, Samm�nturai,
M�nkeni, Paniccank�rni, V�karai, and Katiraveli. A host of other names in
the Vanni district referred to in the Vaiyap�dal such as Adankappattu,
Ceddikulam, Mullimanagar (Mulliavalai), Tanikkal, Punakari, Tampal�mam,
Koddiyaram, Vatt�ppalai, Tunukk�vur (Tunulck�i), Ittimadu, Nedunk�ni,
Noccim�ddai, Pulveli and Vidattaltivu, point to a Tamil origin and
derivation. A digression at length on this subject is however not relevant
here. Mention nevertheless of the K�tagama Tamil inscription, found in the
Kegalle district, must be made to illustrate that Cekar�cac�karan V, also
known as Ceyaviracinkai Ariyan, King of Jaffna (A.D. 1380), over-ran south
Ceylon and held sway over a greater part of the Island during his reign.
The Name Yalppanam (continued)
In reverting to the evaluation of the theories affecting the
origin of �Yalppanam�, the story of the �Y�l� player comes up for closer
examination. �Vaiy�padal� simply relates that a �Yal� player of Vibhisana
developed the �Manattidatk�du� (undeveloped sandy stretch) in the north�ern
coast of Ceylon. The �Kail�ya M�lai� ventures to provide the name of the donor
of the land to the �Y�l� player. The �Y�jppana Vaipava M�lai� goes a step
further to cite the name of the �Yal� player himself.
Rev. Fr. Gnanaprakasar has already shown in his �Yalppana
Vaipava Vimarcanam� that the authors of �Kailaya M�lai� and 'Ya!pp�na Vaipava
M�lai� had woefully failed in trying to identify the donor and the receiver of
the land, confusing them with two other persons who were not contemporaries. The
verse cited by Mr. A. Moothoothambippillay bears the semblance of proof that the
land �Yalpp�nam� was gifted to a blind poet musician by El�lacinkan, who was a
powerful Tamil ruler of the major part of Ceylon in the 2nd century B.C.. This
date coincides to some extent with the date given in the �Vaiy�p�dal� in
relation to the episode of the �Y�l� player.
Plausible as this version may seem to be, it is baffling
that no reference to �El�la� was made in the �Vaiyapadal�. Besides, the
structure of the verse in metre, style and phraseology that had been put
into the mouth of the blind poet in praise of �Elela� are distinctly of a
later period. The verse form �Kaddalaikkalitturai� had not been adopted by
any Tamil poet of South India or Ceylon, prior to the 3rd century A.D.
Prof. S. Vaiy�puripillai dates the incidence of the
�Kalitturai� in Tamil Literature only as from the period of
�Civakacint�mani�.�(6) �Akaval� and
�Vaflci� were the main forms of poetry of the early Christian era. Although
the �Kali� and the �Venb� forms came into use immediately after this
period, �Kalitturai� as a verse structure is not traceable in any writings
related to this period. Moreover, the particular verse attributed to the
blind poet has other recorded versions, wherein slight modifications are
embodied in the last line, substituting alternatively the names, �V�Iacinka�
and �Cinkai Pupa� in place of �El�lacinka�. Mr. Moothootbambyppillay�s
citation of this verse as ipso facto proof of �El�la� donating the land to
the blind musician cannot be authentic.
The blind poet �Antakakkavivirar�kavan� is said to have
lived during the time of the last kings of Jaflna.�(7)
Any one of them, whose ca�pital was �Nall�r�, could not have gifted Jaffna
to the blind poet, for, Jaffna is known to have been ruled by the Ariya
Cakravarties up to the time of Cankili, from whom the Portuguese captured
this kingdom.
The origin of the name �Yalpp�nam� must therefore be traced
to the �Vaiy�padal�. The �Vaiy�padal�, dates the episode of �Manattidatk�du�
having been transformed into a kingdom by the �Y�l� player, who performed in the
court of Vibhisana to 101 B.C. This date synchronises with that of the
�R�m�yana�, which according to Prof. M. Winterniz (8)
falls during the period 3rd century B.C. to 2nd century A.D., and R�m�yana is
said to have been composed by V�lmiki, who lived contemperaneously with R�m�
himself.
The
'Vaiyapadal' Dates
The reference to �Kannaki� in the �Vaiy�p�dal�, provides yet
another test to establish the authenticity of the dates, appearing therein. The
�Vaiv�p�dal� relates that in the �Kali� year 3392, which corresponds to A.D.
291. �M�n�kan�, father of �Kannaki�, commissioned a sailor to obtain the
precious stone, �N�garatnam� from Ceylon for his daughter. �Kannaki� is the main
character in the �Cilappatik�ram�, which Prof. S. Vaiyapuripil!ai concludes was
not written before A.D. 300. The probable date of this work according to Mr. M.
R�gavaiyangar is 5th century A.D. The date given in the �Vaiyap�dal�,
identifying the life-time of �Kannaki�, the wife of �K�valan�, could therefore
not be too wide off the mark.
'Yal' Player not an Interpolation
It can now be concluded that the �Vaiy�p�dal� is not an
unauthentic record of events, although interpolations and copying errors
therein cannot altogether be discounted. The stanza relating to the
�Yal' player, however, cannot possibly be considered an interpolation, as
there are references to the contents of that stanza in the other verses of
the book. This stanza appears besides, in its identical form in the two
separate editions, one printed in Jaffna in 1921 and the other printed in
Penang in 1922. There was besides a prose version of the �Vaiyap�dal� in
manuscript form in about the 18th century A.D. (9)
and it contains the story of the �Yal� player, as found in the original
verse form of the �Vaiy�p�dal�
-
a
Consonant exclusive to
Tamil
The consonant '
'
found in the name �Y�lpp�nam�
is a letter exclusive to the Tamil Language and to languages derived from Tamil.
Hence, the word �Y�lppanam� could have originated only from a Tamil source.
This analysis must now draw its conclusion that the name
�Y�lppanam� owes its origin to no other source than to the �Vaiy�p�dal�
record of the �Yal� player account. This name, however, is reported to have
gained currency particularly after the 10th century A.D., according to a
verse found at the end of the �Kailayamalai�. in which the date of
construction of the town of �Y�lpp�nam� is vouched for as Saga 870 (viz
A.D.948) (10)
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22. Kumaraswamy, S., Place names in the Nothern Province of Ceylon. (Appendix
to Yalppana Vaipava Kowmuti by K. Veluppillai.)
23. Ilankovadikal, Cilappatikaram, S. Kalyanadsundar Iyer, Madras, 1944.
Footnotes
1.S.Paranavitana �The Arya Kingdom
in North Ceylon,� Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society
New series. Volume 7, Pt. 2, pp. 176, 177 (1961)
2. University of Ceylon, History of Ceylon,
p. 624, Ceylon University Press, 1960.
3. This is commonly known as �Cavankotte�
and it is situated in the Jaffna Peninsula.
4. University of Ceylon, History of Ceylon,
p. 626, Ceylon University Press, 1960.
5. Kadialur Uruttirankannanar, Pattinappalai
of the Pattuppaddu, p. 525, Edited & published by U. V. Swaminata Iyer,
Madras 1931. Line 218.
6. Professor S. Vaiyapuripillai,
Kaviya Kalam, p. 181, 2nd edn., Tamil Puttakalayam, Madras, 1962.
7. Fr.S.Gnanapragasar, Yalppana Vaipava
Vimarcanarn, p. 16, Jaffna, 1928.
8.M.Winternitz, A History of Indian
Literature, Vol. 1, p. 516, University of Calcutta, 1927.
9.Kalveddum Vaiyavum Ceyyedum, an old
manuscript published by Dr. K. Kanapatypillai, Colombo.
10. The interpretation given by Fr. S.
Gnanapragasar to the phrase is Saga 1000 + 170 = Saga1170 = A.D. 1248.
(See Fr. S.Gnanaprakasar Yalppana Vaipaya Vimarcanam, p. 67, Jaffna, 1928.
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