A general study of the documents, extant in the Tamil
language, which have a bearing on the historical background of the Jaffna
Peninsula, does always evoke much cultural interest and afford abundant scope
for valuable research. Not all the documents, available to the scholar in this
field, have been exploited in full for the purpose of extracting material data
in the compilation of an exhaustive analytical survey of the history of the
Peninsula and the door yet remains open for much further research in the
revision of hitherto recorded accounts. This paper aims at focusing the
attention of the student interested in the history, pertaining to this part of
the Island of Ceylon, to but a few of the glaring instances of misconception,
confusion and diametrically opposing interpretations in analyses, hitherto
attempted, and is necessarily limited in its scope to be deemed, per se, any
comprehensive treatise on this subject.
For the purpose of brevity, only two ancient main
documentaries have been culled out of the large fund of relevant literary and
historical works for critical study.
Yalppana Vaipava Malai
Historians have, by and large, depended on 'Yălppana Vaipava
Mălai’ for an account of the political and social survey of the Jaffna
Peninsula. ‘Yălppăna Vaipava Mălai’ is a work of Mayilvakanap pulavar, who lived
in Jaffna in the 18th Century A.D. This work provides a glimpse into the early
history of Jaffna, beginning from the period of the reign of Vibhisana to that
of the Dutch Conquest.
A verse in the preface of the book (verse
1) acknowledges that Mayilvăkanap Pulavar wrote the ‘Yălppăna Vaipava
Mălai’at the request of Maccara, who was the Administrator of the Dutch
possessions in Jaffna in 1736. (1) The
preface reveals that the poet drew his material for the early history of Jaffna
from ‘Vaiyăpădal’, ‘Kailăyamalai’, Pararăcacekaran Ula’, and ‘Răcamurai’. While
the last two manuscripts provided the insight into the chronological account of
the ‘Aryaccakkaravarti’ Kings of Jaffna, the poet utilised the first two for his
material on the early settlements of Jaffna. Since the last two works,
‘Pararäcacëkaran Ula’, and “Răcamurai’ are no longer available, ‘Yălppăna
Vaipava Mălai’ is now the main source of data for the history of the
‘Aryaccakkaravartis’. ‘Vaiyäpădal’ and ‘Kailäyamälai’ are in print and they
afford the student the basic material for a critical study of the
The ‘Vaiyäpădal’ was printed from ‘Ola’ manuscripts for the
first time in Jaffna in 1921 by Mr. J. W. Arudprakasam and in Penang in the year
1922 by Mr. E. T. Civănantan. This book is reputed to have been written by the
poet ‘Vaiyă’, the Court Bard of Cekarăcacëkaran, who reigned over the kingdom of
Jaffna in the 15th Century A.D. The purport of the work, as portrayed in the
third verse, (verse 3) was to narrate a
recorded account of the kings of Ceylon of their dynasties and of their
Contribution of the Sage, Cubatiddu
In as much as Mayilvaganap Pulavar relied for his ‘Yalppăna
Vaipava Mălai’ of the 18th Century on the ‘Vaiyapadal’ and the Kailăyamalai’ of
the 15th century, so did the author of the ‘Vaiyăpădal’ depend for his history
of the pre-Christian era of Ceylon on an account rendered by a sage named
Cubatiddu, son of Atika Cittu, and grandson of the sage of the ‘Potia Malai’.
The fifth verse of the ‘Vaiyapadal’ (verse 5) makes reference to this
indebtedness to Cubatiddu, and to the latter’s identity.
Although the precise content of this account is now not
known, it could well be inferred that the early part of the ‘Vaiyăpădal’ does
reflect the account by the sage, as acknowledged by the author ‘Vaiyŕ’.
Strangely enough the author of ‘Yăjppăna Vaipava Mălai’ has construed this
account of the sage ‘Cubatiddu’ to be a prophesy, rendered to the King
Cekarăcacëkaran of the 15th Century A.D. While the author of the ‘Vaiya Pädal’
would make one feel that the account of Cubatiddu is in fact an earlier
work, its prophetic appellation in the ‘Yăppăna Vaipava Mălai’ cannot go
unchallenged on account of its obvious chronological inconsistency. It will be
nearer the truth to hold that there was an account of Ceylon by the sage
Cubatiddu long before the period of the ‘Vaiyăpädal’, and to accept the alleged
“prophesy” of the sage, during the 15th Century, as a legend woven around the
concept of the fifth stanza in the ‘Vaiyäpădal’.
Agastiyar, the sage of the ‘Potia Malai’, is known to have
lived in the first Cankam period of the Pandyan kingdom. Although there is a
school of thought that the Cankam period belonged to the pre-Christian era, yet
scholars like Professor S. Vaiyäpuripillai have concluded that the first three
centuries after Christ, constituted the period of the first Cankam. Agastiyar,
who lived not later than the 3rd Century A.D.. could therefore not have had a
grandson, living as late as in the 15th century A.D. That the sage Cubatiddu
foretold this “prophesy” in the 15th century A.D. in these circumstances is
indeed in the nature of an anachronism.
First Kingdom of Jaffna according to the 'Vaiyapadal'
The ‘Vaiyäpădal’ begins with an account of the end of Răvana,
and the crowning of Vibhisana by Răma as the King of Ceylon. Its verse 12
narrates how the sandy stretches of the northern coastal belt of Lanka were
developed into a fertile and productive Kingdom by a ‘Yăl’ player, who performed
in the presence of Vibhisna. The next stanza goes on to relate how a King from
India, who was the son of a cousin of Dasarata, was invited to rule over this
land. The period of his rule is said to be 3000 of the Kaliyuga, corresponding
to 101 B.C.
It is feasible to conclude that a kingdom of the Tamils
existed in this part of the Island, during this period, for the following
(i) The story of the rule of the Tamil King Elăla in
Ceylon in the 2nd century B.C. is well known, and the existence of the
Tamils and their rule during and after that period cannot therefore be
(ii) In the Tamil Cankam period of ancient times, there is
reference to ‘Tlattuppatan Tëvanăr’, who has to his credit four poems in the
'Nattinai’, three poems in the ‘Kuruntokai’, and three poems in the 'Aka
Nănüru’ - all of the Cankam Age. The Cankam period has been discussed at
length by various scholars, and there is general consensus of opinion that
this period can be located between the 3rd century B.C.. and the 3rd century
A.D. (Since the scope of this paper is not to discuss the Cankam period, the
findings of eminent scholars is being accepted in this connection.) The poet
‘Ilattup Pütan Tëvanăr’ can therefore well be deemed to have lived sometime
during this period, 3rd century B.C. to 3rd century A.D. During the first
century before and after Christ it will thus be conceded, there were in Ilam
(Ceylon) Tamil scholars, on whom the highest literary body of the Păndyan
Kingdom bestowed its recognition. There must necessarily also have been a
cultured Tamil society in Ceylon at that time.
The ‘Vaiyă Pădal’ does not state categorically how Jaffna got
its name ‘Yalppanam’. It may be surmised that the author took it for granted
that the origin of the name was obvious from the fact that the ‘Yăl’ player
founded the kingdom.
The ‘Kailăyamălai’ relates that Jaffna was gifted to a
‘Yăl’ player by Vălacinkan, a son of Ukkiracinkan and Mărutappuravalli. This
dates the origin of the name ‘Yä1ppänam’ to the 8th century A.D.
The ‘Yăljppăna Vaipava Mălai’, relying on ‘Kailăyamälai’,
relates that a blind poet by the name of ‘Kavi Vira Răkavan’ also a ‘Yăl’
player, received a gift of the land from Vălacinkan, son of Mărutappuravalli and
Ukkiracinkan, who reigned from Cenkadakanakar. (Rev. Fr. S. Gnănaprakăsar is
however of the opinion that the author of the ‘Yălppana Vaipava Mălai’ has
confused Ukkiracinkan and Mărutappuravalli for Kulakköddan and Adakacountari.)
Father Gnănaprakăsar concludes that the story of the blind
poet ‘Yal’ player Virarakavan has been elaborated from the ‘Vaivăpădal’
narrative of the ‘Yal’ player, and confused with an episode of the poet
‘Kavivirarăkavan’ of a later period.
Another version of this account is that of Mr. A.
Mootootambypillay in his Jaffna History. He seeks to establish that the land
was gifted to a blind ‘Yăl’ player by King Elëlacinkan. during his reign in the
2nd century B.C.. Mr. Mootootambypillay’s authority for this theory came from a
stanza in an anthology of verses entitled “Tanippädal”.
Underlying each of the above diverse accounts, is a single
dominant figure in the ‘Yal’ player. It is important to evaluate these
different versions in order to arrive at the most feasible record of this
chapter of history. Before so doing, it will be both significant and
relevant to examine the contentions of the various scholars, who have traced
the origin of the name “Yălppanam”.
Mr. S. Kumaraswamy, in his analysis of place names in the
Northern province of Ceylon has the following observation to make:
"From the days of Kuperan and Ravanan Ilam (Lanka)
was noted for her music on the harp: Ilamandalam boasted of talent which
Răja Răja Pandiyan invited into South India to be a match to Virapattiran
and Pattini, the unrivalled musicians of Madurai of his day; it is thus
natural that the Tamil rulers of Ilam should appropriately have named the
place ‘Yălppănam’ in recognition of her fame as the abode of musicians."
Rev. Fr. Gnănaprakăsar, however, does not give credence to
this version. In his Yă!ppăna Vaipava Vimarcanam (a critical history of Jaffna),
he makes a counter-suggestion that the author of ‘Kailäya Mălai’, may as well
more plausibly have propounded the theory that ‘Yălppănam’ was derived by virtue
of the name of her inhabitants — the ‘Yălppănar’ rather than attribute its
derivation to the imaginative folk-lore of the blind lutist.
The learned Father falls back on the hypothesis expounded by
Mudaliyăr A. M. Gunasekera that ‘Yalppanam’ is derived from the Sinhala
translation of the name ‘Nallur’. ‘Yäpă’ from ‘Yahapat’ in Sinhala meaning
“good” (nalla) and ‘Ne’ in Sinhala meaning “village" (ur) together combine to
make ‘Yăpane’ in Sinhala to mean Nallur the capital of the Arya Kings of
Jaffna during the 15th, 16th and 17th Centuries.
Yet another interesting interpretation of the name
‘Yălppänam’ is offered by Dr. S. Paranavităna, in his article entitled ‘The Arya
Kingdom in North Ceylon’. He says:
“The Sinhalese name ‘Yäpăpatuna’ means the port of Yäpă. ..
. It seems to have come into vogue after the Malays or Jävakăs gained political
influence in the Island. The word Jăvă or Javakä is also found in the form Yăvă
or Yävakă. The Chinese equivalent of Jăvă, Chipo, indicates that the ‘v’ was one
time pronounced as ‘p’, i.e. Jăpă. The ‘Kulöttunkan Kóvai’ in one stanza
mentions Cavakam (Jăvaka) as a country which acknowledged the supremacy of
Kulóttunka III, and in another stanza makes a similar mention of Căpam. It is
possible that Căpam and Căvakam both refer to the same country, Java or Javaka.
If so, the change of ‘v’ to ‘p’ in the name is attested in Tamil also. The
change of ‘v’ to ‘p’ could also have developed in the course of the name being
pronounced by the Sinhalese, for this phonological process is attested in that
language by such words as ‘lapa’ for Sanskrit ‘lava’ and ‘Sapana’ for Sanskrit
‘Carvana’. ‘Yăpăpatuna’ would thus signify the ‘Port of the Javakas’.... The
modem form ‘Yalpanam’ must also go back to this Sinhalese name.”
Malayan Invasion of Ceylon
The fact that a Jăvaka by the name of Candrabhănu and his
followers invaded Ceylon in the middle of the 13th century A.D. is vouched
for in the History of Ceylon published by the Ceylon University. It is held
in that publication that “the term Jăvaka, by which Candrabhanu is referred
to, applies not only to the people of the Island of Jävä, but also to those
of Sumătră and the Malay peninsula, for all these were, and largely still
are, of the same race.” (2)
Candrabhănu was therefore a Malay. “He had brought large
areas of the north of Ceylon under his control, consolidated them into a
kingdom and gained the confidence of the people of these districts,
including the Sinhalese, by good Government and benefactions to religion,
before he advanced to Yăpăvu. Căvakaccëri in the Jaffna Peninsula, and
Jävakakötte (3) on the mainland of Ceylon
were most probably strongholds established by Candrabhănu before he advanced
into the Mayarata.”(4)
And now to assess the merits of these different theories:
The so called ‘Sinhalese name’, ‘Yăpăpatuna’ is a combination of the words
‘Yăpă’ and ‘Patuna’. The latter is a corrupt form of the Tamil word
‘pattinam’, meaning a sea-port-town. This word has been used in the very
same sense as early as in the Cankam Tamil Literature, Pattinappălai. (5)
The change of ‘v’ to ‘p’ in the word Jăvă cannot be
justified in Tamil by a solitary example, ‘Căpam’, a word which has many
other meanings in Tamil such as vow, curse etc. The terms ‘Căvakaccëri’ and
‘Cavănkôttai’, two place names in Jaffna, attributed to the ‘Jăvakăs’ do not
reflect such a change. Nor in Tamil literature is there evidence of any such
change in the word ‘Jăvă’ which occurs therein as ‘Căvakam’. Further ‘Jävă’
has never been referred to in Tamil Literature as such or as ‘Jăvă’, and so,
a change from Yăvă to Yăpă does not simply arise. In the circumstances.
‘Yăpä’ cannot be considered to be a Tamil form of ‘Jăvä’. It is neither the
Sinhala form of ‘Java’, for in Sinhala Literature, Jävä had never been
referred to as ‘Yăpă’. ‘Já’ or ‘Javö’ is the common term in Sinhala
connoting the ‘Jăvakăs’ or the Malays as found in place names such as ‘Jă
Ela’, ‘Jăwatte’ etc. It is incredible that the Tamil word ‘Pattinam’ could
have been suffixed to a so-called Sinhala word ‘Yăpă’ derived from ‘Jăvă’.
The obvious conclusion, therefore, is that ‘Yapăpatuna’ is a Sinhala form of
the Tamil name ‘Yălppänapattinam’.
The interpretation of Mudaliyăr A. M. Gunasëkera, given to
the name ‘Yalppănam’, that it is derived from ‘Yăpane’, a translation into
Sinhala of the Tamil name ‘Nallür’, contradicts Dr. Paranavităna’s theory
dealt with in the preceding paragraphs. It is quite far-fetched that the
already famed Tamil Capital ‘Nallur’ came to be renamed by the Tamils, after
the Sinhala equivalent of the name of this place. It is besides neither
customary nor traditional generally to translate place-names from one
language into another for common usage. If it were indeed true that the
‘Nallur’ of Jaffna was known to the Sinhalese communities by the Sinhala
translation of this name, it cannot be explained how the ‘Nallur’ of
Pänadura, in the Western province of Ceylon has been known to them as
‘Nallüruva’ and not by its alleged Sinhala translation. Obviously, the
Sinhala form of the Tamil word ‘Nallur’ is 'Nalluruva' and not ‘Yapane’; and
therefore, the conclusion that ‘Yălppănam’ was derived from the Sinhala form
of the name ‘Nallur’ (Yäpane) is not tenable. ‘Yăpane’ could, therefore, be
only an aberration in the Sinhala of the Tamil word ‘Yälppfanam’.
Other Probable Tamil Place Names
In this context, it may be of interest to cite a few
place-names in other parts of the Island, which suggest a Tamil origin; in
the Western Coast such as Puttalam, Ciläpam (Chilaw), Nirkolumbo
(Nikumpalai, Negombo), Kalattarai (Kalutara), Pănanturai (Pănadura), Mätarai
(Matara), Teivanturai (Dondra); in central Ceylon such as Kandy, Pulatinagar
(Polanaruwa), Mineri (Minëriya), Senkadagala and indeed in the Eastern
coast, pure Tamil names such as Mullaittivu, Tirukonamalai (Trincomalee),
Mütur, Verukal, Văkaneri, Vălaiccënai, Tirukkövil, Akkaraippattu,
Puliantivu, Kalmunai, Kalkudă, Mandur, Cenkalladi, Eravur, Köddaimunai,
Kăttankudi, Ceddipälayam, Păndiruppu, Nintavür, Vantărumülai, Sammănturai,
Mănkeni, Paniccankërni, Väkarai, and Katiraveli. A host of other names in
the Vanni district referred to in the Vaiyapädal such as Adankappattu,
Ceddikulam, Mullimanagar (Mulliavalai), Tanikkal, Punakari, Tampalămam,
Koddiyaram, Vattăppalai, Tunukkăvur (Tunulckăi), Ittimadu, Nedunkëni,
Noccimöddai, Pulveli and Vidattaltivu, point to a Tamil origin and
derivation. A digression at length on this subject is however not relevant
here. Mention nevertheless of the Kôtagama Tamil inscription, found in the
Kegalle district, must be made to illustrate that Cekarăcacëkaran V, also
known as Ceyaviracinkai Ariyan, King of Jaffna (A.D. 1380), over-ran south
Ceylon and held sway over a greater part of the Island during his reign.
The Name Yalppanam (continued)
In reverting to the evaluation of the theories affecting the
origin of ‘Yalppanam’, the story of the ‘Yăl’ player comes up for closer
examination. ‘Vaiyäpadal’ simply relates that a ‘Yal’ player of Vibhisana
developed the ‘Manattidatkădu’ (undeveloped sandy stretch) in the northern
coast of Ceylon. The ‘Kailăya Mălai’ ventures to provide the name of the donor
of the land to the ‘Yăl’ player. The ‘Yäjppana Vaipava Mălai’ goes a step
further to cite the name of the ‘Yal’ player himself.
Rev. Fr. Gnanaprakasar has already shown in his ‘Yalppana
Vaipava Vimarcanam’ that the authors of ‘Kailaya Mälai’ and 'Ya!ppăna Vaipava
Mălai’ had woefully failed in trying to identify the donor and the receiver of
the land, confusing them with two other persons who were not contemporaries. The
verse cited by Mr. A. Moothoothambippillay bears the semblance of proof that the
land ‘Yalppänam’ was gifted to a blind poet musician by Elëlacinkan, who was a
powerful Tamil ruler of the major part of Ceylon in the 2nd century B.C.. This
date coincides to some extent with the date given in the ‘Vaiyăpădal’ in
relation to the episode of the ‘Yäl’ player.
Plausible as this version may seem to be, it is baffling
that no reference to ‘Elëla’ was made in the ‘Vaiyapadal’. Besides, the
structure of the verse in metre, style and phraseology that had been put
into the mouth of the blind poet in praise of ‘Elela’ are distinctly of a
later period. The verse form ‘Kaddalaikkalitturai’ had not been adopted by
any Tamil poet of South India or Ceylon, prior to the 3rd century A.D.
Prof. S. Vaiyäpuripillai dates the incidence of the
‘Kalitturai’ in Tamil Literature only as from the period of
‘Civakacintămani’.’(6) ‘Akaval’ and
‘Vaflci’ were the main forms of poetry of the early Christian era. Although
the ‘Kali’ and the ‘Venbă’ forms came into use immediately after this
period, ‘Kalitturai’ as a verse structure is not traceable in any writings
related to this period. Moreover, the particular verse attributed to the
blind poet has other recorded versions, wherein slight modifications are
embodied in the last line, substituting alternatively the names, ‘VăIacinka’
and ‘Cinkai Pupa’ in place of ‘Elëlacinka’. Mr. Moothootbambyppillay’s
citation of this verse as ipso facto proof of ‘Elëla’ donating the land to
the blind musician cannot be authentic.
The blind poet ‘Antakakkaviviraräkavan’ is said to have
lived during the time of the last kings of Jaflna.’(7)
Any one of them, whose capital was ‘Nallür’, could not have gifted Jaffna
to the blind poet, for, Jaffna is known to have been ruled by the Ariya
Cakravarties up to the time of Cankili, from whom the Portuguese captured
The origin of the name ‘Yalppănam’ must therefore be traced
to the ‘Vaiyäpadal’. The ‘Vaiyäpadal’, dates the episode of ‘Manattidatkădu’
having been transformed into a kingdom by the ‘Yăl’ player, who performed in the
court of Vibhisana to 101 B.C. This date synchronises with that of the
‘Rämäyana’, which according to Prof. M. Winterniz (8)
falls during the period 3rd century B.C. to 2nd century A.D., and Rämăyana is
said to have been composed by Välmiki, who lived contemperaneously with Rämă
The reference to ‘Kannaki’ in the ‘Vaiyăpădal’, provides yet
another test to establish the authenticity of the dates, appearing therein. The
‘Vaivăpădal’ relates that in the ‘Kali’ year 3392, which corresponds to A.D.
291. ‘Mănăkan’, father of ‘Kannaki’, commissioned a sailor to obtain the
precious stone, ‘Năgaratnam’ from Ceylon for his daughter. ‘Kannaki’ is the main
character in the ‘Cilappatikăram’, which Prof. S. Vaiyapuripil!ai concludes was
not written before A.D. 300. The probable date of this work according to Mr. M.
Răgavaiyangar is 5th century A.D. The date given in the ‘Vaiyapădal’,
identifying the life-time of ‘Kannaki’, the wife of ‘Kövalan’, could therefore
not be too wide off the mark.
'Yal' Player not an Interpolation
It can now be concluded that the ‘Vaiyăpădal’ is not an
unauthentic record of events, although interpolations and copying errors
therein cannot altogether be discounted. The stanza relating to the
‘Yal' player, however, cannot possibly be considered an interpolation, as
there are references to the contents of that stanza in the other verses of
the book. This stanza appears besides, in its identical form in the two
separate editions, one printed in Jaffna in 1921 and the other printed in
Penang in 1922. There was besides a prose version of the ‘Vaiyapădal’ in
manuscript form in about the 18th century A.D. (9)
and it contains the story of the ‘Yal’ player, as found in the original
verse form of the ‘Vaiyäpädal’
Consonant exclusive to
The consonant ''
found in the name ‘Yälppänam’
is a letter exclusive to the Tamil Language and to languages derived from Tamil.
Hence, the word ‘Yălppanam’ could have originated only from a Tamil source.
This analysis must now draw its conclusion that the name
‘Yălppanam’ owes its origin to no other source than to the ‘Vaiyäpädal’
record of the ‘Yal’ player account. This name, however, is reported to have
gained currency particularly after the 10th century A.D., according to a
verse found at the end of the ‘Kailayamalai’. in which the date of
construction of the town of ‘Yălppänam’ is vouched for as Saga 870 (viz
1. Mayilvakanappulavar, Yalppana Vaipava Malai, edited and published by
Mudaliyar Kula. Sabanathan, Colombo, 1953.
2. Vajyapuri Iyar, The Vaiya Padal, edited and Published by Arudpragasam J.
W., Jaffna, 1921.
3. Vaiyapuri Iyar, The Vaiya Padal, edited and published by Civanantan, E.T.,
4. Kalveddum Vaiyavum Ceyyedum, an old manuscript published by Dr. K.
5. Mutturaca Kaviracar, Kailaya Molai, edited and published by
Jambulingampillai, S. V., Madras, 1939.
6. John’s History of Jaffna, part I, 3rd edn., — edited by Daniel John, M. M.,
American Ceylon Mission Press, 1930.
7. History of Jaffna (Yalppana Vaipavam), edited by Brahma Sri Balasubramaniya
Sarma, S., published by S. Ponnuccamypillai, Jaffna, 1927.
8. Matiaparanam, K., Yalppana Purvika Vaipavam, Navalar Press, Jaffna,1927.
9. Ramecan Koman, Cekaracekara Malai, Cotida Paripalana Press, Ragunatha Iyer
R. S., 1942.
10. Mootootambypillay, A., Jaffna History, 3rd edn., Navalar Press, Jaffna,
11. Gnanaprakasar, Fr. S., A Critical History of Jaffna (The Tamil Era), The
Gnanaprakasa Yantra Salai, Jaffna, 1928.
12. Vayapuripillai, S., Kaviya Kalam, 2nd. edn., Tamil Puttakalayam, Madras,
13. Paranavitana, S., “The Arya Kingdom in North Ceylon,” Journal of the
Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, New Series, Vol. 7, pt. 2,
14. History of Ceylon, Ceylon University Press, 1960.
15. Gnanaprakasar, Fr S., “Ceylon Originally a land of Dravidians,” Tamil
Culture, Vol. 1, No. 1, 1952.
16. Velupillai, K., Yalppana Vaipava Kowmuti,” Jaya Sri Saratapidentra Sala,
17. Nattinai Tirunelvelit Ten India Saiva Nur patippuk Kalakam Madras 1962.
18. Kuruntokai, Edited & published by S. Kalyanasundar Iyer Madras, 1947.
19. Aka Nanuru, Edited & published by N. M.Venkatasamy Nadar, Saiva Sittanda
Nutpatippuk Kalakam, Madras.
20. Kadiyalur Uruttirankannanar, Paddinappalai of the Pattuppaddu, Edited and
published by U. V. Swaminatha Iyer, Madras, 1931.
22. Winternitz, M., A History of Indian Literature, Vol. 7, University of
22. Kumaraswamy, S., Place names in the Nothern Province of Ceylon. (Appendix
to Yalppana Vaipava Kowmuti by K. Veluppillai.)
23. Ilankovadikal, Cilappatikaram, S. Kalyanadsundar Iyer, Madras, 1944.
1.S.Paranavitana “The Arya Kingdom
in North Ceylon,” Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society
New series. Volume 7, Pt. 2, pp. 176, 177 (1961)
2. University of Ceylon, History of Ceylon,
p. 624, Ceylon University Press, 1960.
3. This is commonly known as ‘Cavankotte’
and it is situated in the Jaffna Peninsula.
4. University of Ceylon, History of Ceylon,
p. 626, Ceylon University Press, 1960.
5. Kadialur Uruttirankannanar, Pattinappalai
of the Pattuppaddu, p. 525, Edited & published by U. V. Swaminata Iyer,
Madras 1931. Line 218.
6. Professor S. Vaiyapuripillai,
Kaviya Kalam, p. 181, 2nd edn., Tamil Puttakalayam, Madras, 1962.
7. Fr.S.Gnanapragasar, Yalppana Vaipava
Vimarcanarn, p. 16, Jaffna, 1928.
8.M.Winternitz, A History of Indian
Literature, Vol. 1, p. 516, University of Calcutta, 1927.
9.Kalveddum Vaiyavum Ceyyedum, an old
manuscript published by Dr. K. Kanapatypillai, Colombo.
10. The interpretation given by Fr. S.
Gnanapragasar to the phrase is Saga 1000 + 170 = Saga1170 = A.D. 1248.
(See Fr. S.Gnanaprakasar Yalppana Vaipaya Vimarcanam, p. 67, Jaffna, 1928.