Today the situation with regard to the N-E conflict has changed 1800 from
the time People's Alliance[PA] government was elected in 1994. The most
significant development that has taken place is the occupation of the Jaffna
peninsula by the Sri Lankan Armed forces. The militaristic-chauvinistic camp
within the government has strengthened themselves by this action. The
communal forces which were outside the Peoples Alliance government have now
joined with them. They are even optimistic that not only Jaffna but even
Madras could be captured. They are not interested in a genuine devolution of
power. They would like to present some arrangement of power sharing for the
Tamil people once their back is broken and subjugated. The Tamil people have
lost the confidence they had in the PA government and President Chandrika.
It has pushed the LTTE into a position from which it cannot negotiate. The
government does not even carry on a proper dialogue with the Tamil parties
who are operating in the South. It has quarreled with the CWC, the
organisation representing the Plantation Tamales.
The government has antagonised the working class and the trade union
movement too. Their support would have been crucial in implementing a viable
package of devolution. The government has done so by their treacherous
policy of privatisation and repression of trade union rights. Industrial
workers have launched several trade union struggles during the past few
months. These have been related to their basic rights and working
conditions. Most of these struggles have been crushed and suppressed through
police action. Several key sectors of the economy are to be privatised and
the unions in these sectors have clashed with the government on several
occasions. The campaign against privatisation has always included slogans
against the war in the North and East. The picketing campaigns launched
against privatisation too included slogans against the war. Any trade union
action that was launched recently, the government charged as being against
the war. The government charged that the recent Electricity Board Employees
Strike was carried out unmindful of the fact that it jeopardises governments
war efforts. They were therefore accused of being the agents of the LTTE.
Health sector employees too went on strike recently and similarly they were
accused of resorting to strike action against the national interests.
However all these sectors of workers were not prepared to accept this
argument put forward by the government. The Electricity Board strike was
very decisive. It was a very serious strike which threatened the very
existence of the government. Significantly it was launched by the workers of
an institution which was directly under the control of General Anuradha
Ratwatte who is the prime mover of the war in the North. This clearly showed
that the government has seriously antagonised and attacked the working class
and its organisations. These organisation would have been an important
factor in helping to implement any package for devolution. On the last May
day the police with clear instructions from the government brutally attacked
the only May day procession which campaigned against privatisation and the
War in the North and East.
In addition to the working class it has also antagonised and suppressed
the alternate media and the mass organisations which has always stood for
the devolution of power. A press censorship has been imposed and various
other harassments are meted out to the national media and to the alternate
press. The RAVAYA and YUKTHIYA papers have been accused of publishing anti
government articles in order to boost up their falling sales. The
participants of the NGO forum meeting which was held in September 1995 in
Colombo were physically attacked by chauvinistic groups and local
politicians of the PA. Before the attack all national newspapers, mainly the
government media published a news item stating that the NGO forum meeting is
being held to campaign against the War and helped LTTE. This was a clear
indication that it has been manipulated by the government. Such is the
situation that exists today in the country. A situation that is not at all
conducive for the implementation of a political solution to the N-E
conflict. In order to identify the obstacles and possibilities that exists
for the peace process in Sri Lanka it is essential that we look at the
developments that have taken place since the election of the PA government
to office. It would then be possible to recognise the forces and factors
that has been responsible for changing the situation in such proportions
from that existed in 1994 to what is there today.
ELECTION OF THE P. A
When People's Alliance(PA) government headed by Chandrika Bandaranayake
Kumartunge was elected to power in 1994 it received a very clear mandate
from the people to resolve the North/East conflict and end the War through a
political solution.
The people have come to this realisation having gone through much
experience and failed promises by successive United National Party(UNP)
governments of Jayawardana, Premadasa and D B Wijetunge. The PA government
received a very clear mandate not only from the people in the South but also
from the North and East. That too not only once but on three occasions.
First the peoples alliance contested the Southern provincial council and won
a resounding victory. The Southern electorate is said to be chauvinistic.
President Wijetunga of the UNP who led the campaign of the then ruling party
for this election campaigned solely on the promise that he would wage a
proper war to defeat the LTTE in the North. People in the Southern province
completely rejected his call and gave a clear mandate to Chandirka
Bandaranayaka Kumaratunge who led the People's Alliance campaign to
implement a political solution to the N-E conflict. Then came the General
elections in 1994. All left oriented candidates who campaigned for a
political solution won easily. Vasudeva Nanayakkara member of parliament
formerly of the NSSP came 1st in the list of candidates for the Ratnapura
district beating even the Sri Lanka Freedom Party(SLFP) candidates to the
second place. Ratnapura is an interior district with a significant Sinhala
Buddhist electorate. He has been earlier identified as an elamist. While
being in the NSSP he campaigned consistently for the right of self
determination and autonomy for the Tamil speaking people.
In the 1994 August General elections the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna(MEP)
and Bhumiputhra Party were totally rejected by the people. These were two
parties that were totally opposed to any type of devolution of power. MEP
had 3 members in the parliament and all 3 lost. Following their victory in
the general elections Chandrika government started bilateral negotiations
with the LTTE in mid October. A four member delegation visited Jaffna and
met a delegation of the LTTE. This was widely publicised. It was the first
formal contact between the LTTE and the Sri Lanka government after the
resumption of hostilities in 1990. Chandrika was criticised by the communal
forces and accused of selling the country to the LTTE.
Having started negotiations with the LTTE Chandrika contested the
Presidential elections. The communal forces charged that a vote for
Chandrika was a vote for the LTTE. In spite of all these campaigning
Chandriaka received 62% of the total votes cast and won the presidential
election. Her majority was 2 million. The votes came from all the
communities North, South, and from the East. A historic opportunity has been
created which made the implementation of a lasting solution to the N-E
conflict possible. For some time the LTTE looked isolated from the Tamil
people. There was euphoria in Jaffna about the victory of Chandrika. Her
photographers appeared in Jaffna. Women wore Chandrika bangles.
WHO CAMPAIGNED FOR DEVOLUTION
How did this situation come about. Several organisations have been
responsible for building this up. They have launched a relentless campaign
to woo the working class and the other sectors in the society, away from the
chauvinistic policies practiced by the two main capitalist parties. The
party which I represent the Nava Sama Samaja Party(NSSP) from its inception
in 1977 has campaigned for the right of self determination and autonomy for
the Tamil speaking people. Dr. Vicramabahu, leader of the NSSP presented
this position as far back as 1975 in Left Samasmajist paper. In his book
titled, LSSP and the Tamil Speaking People and published as far back as 1979
he again explained this position. At every election, at every workers
conference the NSSP presented this view to the working class and other
section. It has defended this right and explained it in practical terms. In
the parliament and in every other forum NSSP has consistently campaigned for
this stand. "HARAYA" a, weekly which publishes similar views to the NSSP has
campaigned for these views for the last 10-12 years. Several trade unions
too came to take up a similar stand on the N- E issue. The joint council of
Trade Unions which is the main trade union center bringing together the
largest number of trade unions in the country adopted a similar stand.
Government Clerical Services Union(GCSU), Central Bank Employees
Union(CBEU), Ceylon Teachers Union(CTU) are the other unions that are not
included in the Joint Council of Trade Unions(JCTU), but who have taken a
similar stand. A debate has taken place in the Student movement too. This
was the power base of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna(JVP). The JVP adopted a
anti Tamil line in 1991 and a strong anti devolution line during the
1987-1989 period. But a discussion took place since 1992 in all national
universities to reevaluate their position on the N-E issue. Students were
divided in to two camps. Those who advocated a Marxist approach to the
problem and those who proposed a Nationalist solution. The discussion also
took the form of a debate between Dr. Vickrambahu, leader of my party and
Dr. Nalin Silva, Chief Protagonist of the Nationalist thought, a
fundamentalist group campaigning for the supremacy of Sinhalese, over the
Island. The theme of the debate was whether there is a Marxist solution or a
Nationalist solution to the ethnic conflict.
The "HIRU"(Sun) paper a weekly published by sections close to the JVP
started taking a stand against the war mainly as a result of this debate. At
the time it was taking a stand a opposing the war the circulation of the
HIRU paper was around 30000. Several non governmental organisations engaged
in activities in various fields and the alternate media all campaigned for
an end to the costly war and promotion of a political solution. Ravaya and
Yukthiya papers should be specially mentioned in this regard. Situation
among the Buddhists clergy also changed. Several young scholarly Buddhist
monks have challenged the thesis that Sri Lanka belonged to Sinhala
Buddhists. Thus the working class parties, the trade union movement,
progressive student movement and progressive sections of the Buddhist clergy
have come forward to make political solution a possibility. Most of these
forces campaigned for the victory of the PA as the PA clearly declared in
their manifesto that they would seek a mandate for a political solution.
POSSIBLE SOLUTIONS
The possibility for a solution can be considered only on the acceptance
of right of self determination for Tamil speaking people and their right to
autonomy. Devolution of power as a solution to the N-E conflict has been
accepted by a majority of people as shown by the mandate received by the PA
government who campaigned for such a solution. This has been achieved at a
tremendous cost to lives both in the North and the South. Many left
activists including the husband of the present president who was then a
leader of the United Socialist Alliance laid their lives to establish this
principle. Devolution of power for a merged N-E provincial unit is a key a
factor for a political solution. Various proposals have been made how the
N-E unit is to be demarcated and what powers should be devolved to such a
unit. The LTTE, and most of the other Tamil parties have take up the
position that there will be no solution without the merger.
The Nava Sama Samaja Party(NSSP) has put forward that a unity can be
preserved on the basis of the following principles.
1. Equality of all citizens (all racial, religious and communal
discrimination should stop.) Full citizenship to all permanent residents.
2. Autonomy for regions(every distinct set of people have the right to
govern themselves)
3. Right of self determination(acceptance of the right of every nation on
its own destiny, unity should be entirely on a voluntary basis).
On this basis we have put forward the following programme to resolve the
N-E conflict.
1. Right of secession be included in the constitution in order to make it
absolutely clear that unity is based on voluntary decision of both parties.
That will express very clearly the in alienate right of Sri
Lankan Tamales to a homeland in this country. Also, it means no one
dominates and that there is unenforced uncoaxed and ungrudging unity.
2. Equality and end of discrimination in citizenship, jobs, education,
land allocation, etc. and particularly in the national armed forces.
Granting of citizenship to all Kandyan Tamales.
3. Autonomy for Tamil speaking areas with powers over regional security
or police functions, colonisation and education etc. Home Guards or defence
militias for minorities in other areas.
4. Right to use Tamil in dealing with the central government.
5. Fare share of national income to develop Tamil areas.
OBSTACLES TO THE PEACE PROCESS
The Peoples Alliance led by Chandrika Kumaratunge stated in its manifesto
that a necessary constitutional changes would be made to resolve the N-E
conflict. They also declared that a constituent assembly would be summoned
to effect the necessary changes. Her government however choose not to use
this provision. When asked by the Hindu corespondent Jayanath about this
matter President Kumarathunge told him that she could have done it if she
received a clear mandate. Since there was no such mandate she said that she
would start with a process of consultation first. The announcement that this
consultation would be done through the presentation of a political package
was made by the president on 09th of February at a meeting with the foreign
news paper correspondents. Many discussions have taken place regarding the
contents of the package and the subsequent legal draft that was presented. I
will not go into those details. In the current context no political solution
is worthy of discussion unless it is implementable. This is all what we have
to say about the package and the legal draft that was submitted later. What
is the course of action that was proposed for its implementation. First the
proposals contained in the package were to be discussed among the political
parties and organisations. Then it was to be debated in a parliamentary
select committee. Having made necessary changes at select committee level,
it was supposed to be presented for a parliamentary debate. Once approved by
the parliament it was to be presented for a referendum. When you analyse
this process it is clear to anybody that this process would ensure that the
package die a natural death. This is exactly what has happened now.
While whole heatedly supporting any proposal for devolution and defending
it unconditionally the NSSP criticised the political package presented in
February 1996 on the following grounds. It appreciated the fact that the
package has recognised the concept of a Tamil homeland. The NSSP criticised
the long elaborate procedure through which the package would be taken so
that ultimately it will be reduced to nothing. It also criticised the
government for seeking the support of the UNP which the people has rejected
as a failure. NSSP also took up the position that there is no point in
seeking a mandate from the Sinhala people whether North and East should be
merged.
NSSP proposed that instead of seeking the support of the UNP the
Government should take a radical approach and call for a constituent
assembly and invite all political parties and mass organisations both in the
North as well as in the South for a discussion. The NSSP through its press
releases and Dr. Vickramabhu through number of interviews clarified this
position. I myself had the opportunity of putting forward these views on two
occasions and following were the responses. One was a seminar organised by
the Christian Church and held in Colombo, Mr. Rajan Asirwathan, Present
Chairman, of Public Enterprises Reform Commission(PERC) presided. Mr. A
Sivasithamparam, President of the Tamil United Liberation Front, Dr. J
Uyangoda, Political Analyst, and myself were the speakers. I represented the
NSSP. When I proposed that the government without going behind the UNP
should seek a mandate through a constituent assembly Dr. Uyangoda who was
then a close adviser of President Kumartunge gave the following response. He
said that "this Government is caught up in a Constitutional dilemma.
The package, envisages constitutional amendments - particularly the 13th
amendment which requires a 2/3rd majority. The 1978 Constitution laid down
the entrenched clauses, which require both a 2/3rd majority, and a
referendum for the amendment. Therefore however democratic the constitution
we want to establish for the future, we cannot use extra- constitutional
means to do it. We have to therefore recognize this dilemma, and work
towards overcoming it." However the manifesto stated clearly that the new
constitution would be based on the mandate given by the people at the
election.
The second occasion was a seminar organised by the Sri Lanka Foundation
Institute(SLFI). The panel included Mr. Bradmen Weerakoon former secretary
to number of Prime Ministers of Sri Lanka, Mr. Rauf Hakeem, Member of
Parliament of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress and Mr. Jayampathi Wickramaratna
a constitutional expert and a lawyer of the LSSP. When the NSSP proposal was
put to the panel Mr. Jayampathi Wickramaratne said that he agree with the
proposal. He said that there is a clear mandate to summon a constituent
assembly. He said that he cannot understand why the government is not taking
this approach. This was a turning point for the peace process. It
demonstrated that Chandrika was not prepared to take the initiative
historically presented to her. How can she?. However much one try to glorify
her past her present base is the SLFP membership. A party which vehemently
opposed the Indo-Lanka accord and the devolution of power, was not a good
launching pad for an initiative for devolution.
What did she do to prepare the party to take such an initiative after
taking power. Practically nothing. So from the announcement of a framework
of a package Chandrika and the leadership of the SLFP did practically
nothing to educate their party in this regard. The finalised political
package it took time till July for its presentation. By April 1995, Shrimani
Athulathmudali, Leader of the DUNF(L) and M H Ashraff, Leader of Muslim
Congress have spoken out strongly against the N-E merger. Srimani took up a
position of totally opposing the merger, She even said she would leave the
government if merger is included in a package. Obviously the UNP and its
leader Ranil Wickramasighe was behind this stand. Ashraff's position was
that Muslim interests would be jeopardised if a merged N-E province is
handed over to the LTTE.
The LTTE announced that they are withdrawing from the peace process on
21st of April. Vacillation of President Chandrika allowed the Militaristic
and Chauvinistic elements within the government to strengthen themselves.
Deputy Minister of Defence General Anurudha Ratwatte was a nucleus for such
elements to gather around. In spite of the governments announcement of a
political package and a political solution, to the N-E conflict he continued
to visit military camps, encourage the armed forces to launch a war and
consistently carried out a militaristic line. He spoke about a liberation
war for Tamales and what he meant was a war by a predominantly Sinhalese
army to free Tamales of LTTE control. Reactionary elements like Minister C V
Gunaratna and Ratnasiri Wickramanayaka, Minister of Plantation Industrial
too joined the band wagon.
Once the government appeared divided chauvinistic elements too became
active. "Janatha Mithuro" of Champika Ranawaka, Jathika Chinthanaya of Dr.
Nalin De Silva, MEP of Dinesh Gunawardana all started putting up posters and
holding seminars. There demand was that the government should immediately
launch a real war to crush the LTTE. Buddhist clergy represented by the
Mahanayaka's too became vociferous against any attempt to devolve power.
Upali group of Newspapers, which publishes Divayina and The Island started
the usual campaign against devolution of power. Divayina and The Island has
been very silent on the N-E issue since the victory of the PA. Their
circulation has come down significantly. However along with the rising
chauvinism the Upali newspapers resorted to anti devolution propaganda of a
significant scale.
A debate started taking place within the JVP. This revolved around
whether they should take up the stand adopted by Lenin or Rosa Luxemberg on
Right of self determination for minorities. Rosa Luxembourg has taken up the
position that assertion of right of self determination by minorities should
not lead to the break up of countries. It was evident that JVP was trying to
change their stand under the pressure of communal groups.
The national congress of the JVP was held on 15th of May in the Southern
town of Tangalle. The NSSP was invited to send a delegation and Dr.
Vickramabahu, myself and comrade Ajantha Kumara from the NSSP youth section
attended this congress. NSSP was the only left party invited to attend and
Dr. Vickrambahu gave a speech opposing the war and the privatisation policy
of the government and advocating autonomy for a merged North-Eastern
province as a solution.
The speakers at this congress all spoke against the war and said that
Left is the only force who could offer a solution to the N-E conflict. This
was the last time that the JVP was heard taking a stand against the war.
Along with the announcement of the political package JVP started adopting a
different line. Their slogan was "Reject the package which devide the
country". The JVP was silent about the war. At this stage the HIRU paper and
the group around it broke away from the JVP. This was a very significant
development in the history of the JVP. HIRU now comes out as a monthly
magazine.
On the 8th of July the government announced the launching of the Sudu
Neluma Movement[White Lotus Campaign]. It was termed as a Movement for Peace
against the Terrorist Movement in the North. Its objectives were:
1. To educate the people about the political solution presented by the
government
2. To help the border villages affected by the War
3. To mobilise public support for the armed forces who are fighting to
protect the people
However it ultimately turned out to be a movement to mobilise people to
support the War. This movement held meetings, public demonstrations and
collected clothes and other items to sent for the armed forces fighting in
the North and East. The Operation Leap Forward where armed forces moving out
of the Palaly camp captured areas held by the LTTE was launched on the 10th
of July. It was obvious that the Sudu Neluma movement launched at such a
time would perpetuate the War psychosis. On the other hand the operation
Leap Forward was launched when the communal forces have built up their
propaganda to a maximum level. The operation according to the government
sources demonstrated to the country that through a conventional type of
military operation the armed forces could overrun areas controlled by the
LTTE. Therefore when the political package was announced people had little
interest in a political solution. The government argued that the LTTE has
not responded to negotiations and it should first be crushed to pave the way
for the settlement of the problem.
The Political Package was announced on the 26th of July. The government
having announced it did not campaign for the package except for various
speeches made by Prof. G L Peris in closed door seminars. It was clear that
the government has not discussed and debated the political package among the
cabinet of ministers, members of the SLFP, or within the peoples alliance
before presenting it to the public. This is a serious lapse since the SLFP
is a party which has been oriented to oppose devolution from the time of the
Indo Lanka Accord. Instead of launching a Sudu Neluma movement the
government should have educated its main power base the SLFP membership
towards accepting devolution of power as a solution to the N-E conflict.
Otherwise how do you expect a party membership who even aligned with the JVP
in opposing the Indo Lanka Accord five years ago to back a serious attempt
to devolve power. At times the SLFP leaders openly said that political
package is being presented to win the International opinion. This they said
is being done to attract more funding and purchase modern weapons to match
the LTTE. The legal draft which was presented later was a step backwards and
did not interest even the Tamil parties operating in the South. It was in
this background that the political package died a natural death and paved
the way for operation Rivirasa.
Speculation has been made whether the Sri Lankan military has acted as an
obstacle to the peace process in Sri Lanka. My view is that the military was
confused by changing stands adopted by the ruling parties. They have been
worried that some times they, are requested to fight and then to relax when
a peace process is started. They were have worried that the abortive peace
processes expose them to face military onslaught by the LTTE when they are
unprepared. In that sense there was pressure building up within the army
that government should adopt a clear cut policy. Once the government decided
to launch an operation to free Jaffna and requested Major General A M U
Seneviratne and Gemunu Kulatunge to launch an operation in May. At that time
Major General A M U Seneviratne functioned as the Commanding officer of the
Joint Operations Command. When refused to do so they were immediately
removed from their positions and shifted to elsewhere.
Some comments should be made about the approach of the LTTE in this whole
exercise. When the government started wavering on the peace process the LTTE
did not resort to a political campaign in the North and in the South to
expose the hidden intentions of the government. Instead they resorted to
military attacks on the government targets too soon. Thus the government was
able to consolidate its action internationally and particularly among the
Sinhalese people and show that the LTTE is not interested in the peace
process.
The LTTE in facing up to the Military-chauvinistic campaign of the
government relied too much on the support of western countries and
international capitalism. The LTTE has not taken into account the changed
international situation in which the US government has decided to crush the
movements that they considered as fundamentalist. Thus the LTTE
overestimated the opposition by the western countries to a military
operation like Operation Riviresa and underestimated the opposition by
movements in the South of Sri Lanka. The attitude of the LTTE towards the
workers movement and other sections supporting a genuine devolution of power
and the right of self determination for Tamales in the south has not helped
the peace process very much. The events that have unfolded since the
election of the PA government to office up to now clearly shows that the
vacillation of the government was the main obstacle to the peace process. It
allowed the communal forces and chauvinistic elements to rally round again.
Thus the Chandrika government lost a historic and crucial opportunity to
take the entire country through a process by which a substantial devolution
of power to the Tamil speaking people have been effected. As a result of
government wavering on the political solution the historical obstacles for
peace in Sri Lanka has raised its head again.
PRESENT SITUATION - CHALLENGES AHEAD
In the circumstances the present PA government has no credibility or
capability to implement a political solution to the N-E conflict in Sri
Lanka. This government will go down in history as a government which has
turned a historic opportunity, full of possibilities to resolve the N-E
conflict upside down. We have demanded that the government take immediate
steps to withdraw the Sri Lankan armed forces from the North and East and
implement a political solution acceptable to the Tamil people. We have no
alternative but to campaign for the removal of this government as a first
step in order to bring about a solution to the N-E conflict. It is through
the strengthening of the left movement, trade union movement and the other
mass organisations campaigning for a genuine devolution of power that a
solution could be found for the N-E conflict.
