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Thus have we seen in visions of the wise !."
Tamil Poem in Purananuru, circa 500 B.C

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Home > Culture of the Tamils > Caste & the Tamil Nation - Dalits, Brahmins & Non Brahmins > So called 'Other Backward Classes' (OBCs) - The Real Perpetrators of Crime Against Dalits

Caste & the Tamil Nation

So called 'Other Backward Classes' (OBCs)
- The Real Perpetrators of Crime Against Dalits

Youth for Equality

�Emphasising reservation and neglecting atrocities will not do. This will help us evade the fact that often the worst caste atrocities are not the infliction of the Brahmins but of the new OBC classes.�

T.S. Eliot observed �Humankind cannot bear too much reality�. Our political establishments along with the elite intellectuals seem to be strong believers of this statement. They have behaved as if their constituents and audiences cannot bear the reality of atrocities and perpetrators of these atrocities on dalit. Many in the political establishment and in mainstream journalism actively twist the narrative so that the identity of the aggressors remained in obscurity.

With the emergence of so called other backward classes (OBCs), or backward classes (BCs), or most backward classes (MBCs) as the power institutions, the atrocities against Dalits need reconsideration.

The politicians and intellectuals have described the perpetrators as simply �Caste Hindu� or �upper caste�, thus mischievously, shielding the true identity of aggressors. To everyone�s surprise, if this �Caste Hindu� aggressor is analyzed, it turns out to be an OBC or BC or MBC, most often. Let�s have a look at the Government�s data:

The Home Ministry�s Annual report for the 1995 reported that caste-related incidents in Tamil Nadu, Bihar, and Maharashtra increased by 25 to 30 percent from previous years. A majority of these incidents were taking place between scheduled castes and OBCs (1)


�According to Indian government�s 1996-1997 annual report for ministry of Human Affairs, caste related incidents in 1996 in the southern state of Tamil Nadu increased by 34 percent over previous years. Out of 282 reported incidents, 238 took place between scheduled castes and other backward communities. The main caste groups involved were Thevar, Nadars, and Vanniyars (all backward castes) (2).

In the second part of twentieth century, India has witnessed a spurt in violence against dalits. This physical violence is perpetrated largely by the �backward� castes, who claim victimhood under Brahmins but also turn oppressors of Dalits. This phenomenon can be best understood by study of Tamil Nadu. Tamil Nadu, home to the non-brahmin movement, has been projected by the political class, social scientists and policy-makers as fertile soil for social justice.

However, the Dravidian movement�s empowerment agenda left the dalits � nineteen percent of the population � almost untouched. In fact, dalits have been subjected to the worst forms of violence, from being forced to consume human excreta to being murdered for contesting local body elections. More than being a consequence of the accumulation of power in the hands of the intermediary castes, such violence would be better understood as an attempt by the �backward� caste Hindus to test their new found authority on those below them.

Two recent publications (3,4) bring out the contemporary position of Dalits in Tamil Nadu. S. Viswanathan�s work chronicles the acts of atrocities on Dalits, published in Frontline from 1995 to 2004. These pieces also include the chilling accounts of the Melavalavu murders of 1997 and the Tirunelveli massacre of 1999.Hugo Gorringe is a sociologist at the University of Scotland and his work is based on the field studies he did in the 1980s and 1990s in Tamil Nadu concentrating on Madurai and neighboring areas.

Although done independently and with different objectives, the two studies have much in common. Their focus is on Tamil Nadu because of the Dravidian movement�s long history of fight against caste discrimination, championing the cause of those once considered to be underdogs.

What the two studies bring out is that the oppression that Dalits experience today is caused not by the �upper castes�, but by those who were once at lower levels in caste hierarchy. The equality of justice that the Dravidian movement fought for, and to a measure achieved, were to to be limited to the Backward Castes, it would appear. These caste groups, now in power, would like to see the former outcastes remain where they have always been.

Oppressor �Caste Hindu� or �Upper Caste� is not synonym with �Brahmin�.

Contrary to general perception, the oppressor �Caste Hindu� or �Upper Caste� is a member of OBC/BC. Hugo Gorringe (5) clarifies it:

�Given the broad generalizations employed about Dalits as opposed to upper-caste Hindus, a brief word on terminology is required especially in light of Pandian�s(6) probing question: �how far can we employ the categories of backward castes and Dalits as large collectivities explaining caste conflicts?�. It is misleading to group the �upper castes� or �Caste Hindus� together as a coherent and unified social category. There is some justification in doing so because it reflects the perception and diction of the Dalits whom I interviewed but, at the local level, most Dalits were exceptionally nuanced in their social analysis and usually differentiated between specific castes and sub-castes. The �higher caste� tag was, in fact, predominantly employed with reference to repressive groups. As such, it most frequently referred to a Backward or Most Backward Caste, rather than the upper castes per se. The dominant castes in Tamil Nadu tend to emanate from these social groupings partly as result of the non-Brahmin movement, but also due to the absence of a Kshastriya representative caste in the state.

The immediate opponents of the Dalits in Tamil Nadu were the Backward Caste (BC) Thevars (especially the Marava clan) and Kounders, and the Most Backward Caste (MBC) Vanniyars. The Thevars and Vanniyars have formed political associations to protect and advance the interests of their communities and they are the ones who feel most threatened by the social, political and economic advance of the Dalits. They have responded to this �threat�, as Pandian (6) notes, by uniting behind a heightened sense of caste pride and superiority. .

He further quotes Pandian (7)

�The polar opposition between the pure Brahmins and the impure untouchables has lost much of its salience�.

Brahmins remain influential but they are seldom in direct competition with the Dalits and so there is little enmity between the two communities. Other landed castes resent calls for land reform and higher wages, but Brahmins are often absentee landlords and so any contact is mediated through the intermediate castes. The (M)BC/SC divide, therefore, has become the prime fault-line of caste conflict in Tamil Nadu.

�In crisis in the DMK�, Pandian (7) suggest that Brahmin groups retain significant dominance when he states that the Dalit focus on BCs, lets �the gleeful Brahmin off the hook�. A recurrent feature of Dalit movement conversations and speeches, however, was that the Brahmins were �not bad� in comparison to the BCs. The Brahmins are �let off the hook�, therefore, but in an intentional and conscious manner rather than by default

Are Dalits and OBCs in Harmony ? No Way !

Ravi Kumar says

�Intellectuals living outside Tamil Nadu imagine that the dalits and the BCs here are living in harmony. This is the image that has been created by Dravidian intellectuals conversant with English. However the ground reality is quite the opposite" (8).

Viswanathan adds further

�although the incidence of oppression by upper classes such as Maravars, naidus, yadavas, vellalars, Brahmins and nadirs is common in the southern districts, the increase in violence against dalits can generally be attributed to the emergence of the BCs as the dominant upper caste in most regions. By all accounts, they tend to react with violence rather than take recourse to mediation or the law "(9).

Similar are the findings of Human Rights Watch :

In the recent years we have also seen a new factor emerging in the social struggle in rural areas in which the �backward classes� have been surging forward to take up positions of power and control in society, knocking down the upper castes who had held away in such positions all along in the past. In this process of marching forward, the backward classes tend to push back the Scheduled Castes and others who occupy the lower rung in the social hierarchical ladder. There is greater tension between structural neighbors in this hierarchy than between the top level and the bottom level."

The pattern has since solidified such that caste clashes are far more prevalent between scheduled castes and backward castes than they are between these groups and upper castes. The Home Ministry�s Annual Report for 1995 reported that caste-related incidents in Tamil Nadu, Bihar, and Maharashtra increased by 25 to 30 percent from previous years. A majority of these incidents were taking place between scheduled castes and OBCs. The trend has continued, particularly in the state of Tamil Nadu (10)

They further observed that caste clashes in the southern state of Tamil Nadu had predominantly involved two communities: the Thevars (OBC) and the Pallars (or Dalit). Government statistics from 1995 revealed that Thevars were the perpetrators in 91% of cases involving the coercive enforcement of �untouchability�(11).

Tales of Woe: Who are Perpetrators?

The print media is full of such incidents of atrocities against Dalits. A closer look will bring out the real face of the perpetrator.

Terror in Uniform ( Frontline, October 20,1995 )(12).

The clashes, sparked by the disfiguring on 26 July of a statue of u. Muthuramalinga Thevar, a marava (BC ) leader of the 1940s and the 1950s, were mainly between maravars and Dalits.----------where the maravars are larger in number and financially more sound, the Dalits were the worst hit.

The New Resistance ( Frontline, December1, 1995) (13).

Across Tamil Nadu, caste tension surface a Dalits assert their self-respect braving the violence of caste Hindus, especially the BCs.

In Eechankottai village, near Orathand in Thanjavur district , the dominant BC community,kallars,systematically sabotaged a state government sponsored sericulture scheme for Dalits. In recent rimes, the two most crucial issues around which violence has erupted are the installation of an Ambedkar statue and the celebration of temple festivals. Every time this happens, you can be sure there will be trouble. Tension still simmers in Alakkudi village, halfway between Thanjavur and Tiruchi, where riots broke out in May 1995, in which three people died, eighty-three dalit huts were set on fire and three tiled houses belonging to the BCs were destroyed.------------ --- The Local Fund Road divides the dalit locality from the rest of the village comprising caste Hindus such as konars, kallars, udaiyars, vellalars, chettiars and pillais, though some of them also live in the dalit area----- ----- -----Dalits are not allowed into the temple and in a riot which broke over the temple festival in 1980, thirty-six dalit home were set on fire.

Roots of Tension (Frontline, December15, 1995) ( 14)

Struggle for land

The dalit colony in Meyyundarkudikadu (thirty dalit families, 300 Kallars) is different from others in Thanjavur and other districts: it looks prosperous with big houses, neatly tiled and freshly whitewashed. The broad pathways are clean, the cattle in the sheds look healthy and everybody is well turned out. The reason is that many from here work in Singapore and send money home.

The Kallars, the dominant Backward Class in the village, could not countenance the dalits� prosperity. They seized the chance to sabotage it in November 1994. M. Asaithampi, 36, who worked as a construction hand in Singapore, explained how the violence broke out. After the floods, the kallars drained surplus water from their field into the dalits� fields ripe with paddy. A dalit youth then tried to drain their fields. �The kallars turned on us�, Asaithampi said.

An angry Kanmani recalled what happened soon after. They stormed into our locality and destroyed all our houses. They looted all our belongings. They carted away our vessels, cycles, video decks, tapes, and cycle pumps, she said. The real reason was that our men had gone to Singapore and made money. The kallars shouted �Do pallans need so much adamparam(ostentation)?� We live like slum-dwellers but you live like rich peasants. They could not tolerate our prosperity.

Furore over Funerals

In January 1995, a child died in Thanikkalampatti. The path to the burial ground runs through sugarcane fields. Annamalai, an active member of the Ambedkar Peravai, explained how they were forced to bend the stalks to reach the ground. The vanniyars objected and there was clash. The next morning I went to the police station with my complaint. I was going to hand over the paper when there was a telephone call to the effect the sugarcane field had been cut by the dalits and that the vanniyars were slapping a complaint against them. Imagine my shock!

Police Inaction

. Sambandam�s case also highlights another important aspect of the dalit issue: the refusal by the police to register cases filed by dalits. Although the SC/ST Association in kalpakkam made out a case on behalf of Sambandam, it came to nothing. Again, in Thennamandadu a few years ago, a kallar youth stole 2 kg of rice from a dalit. The later then took up the issue but he, his brother and his nephew Rajendran, were beaten up by the kallars. One day, when Rajendran was about to board a bus, he was knifed (he still carries the scars on his had). That night, the kallars destroyed all the 240 dalit houses. �We had to compromise because of social compulsions and police inaction,� said Rajendran. �This was decided by the panchayat comprising upper caste representatives�.

Gnanaprakasam of Legal Resource for Social Action (LRSA) points out that even in places where dalits are in a majority, as for instance in Vayalur in Chengai-MGR, where a dalit won the last elections, they have no say because real power rests with the backward classes; they have money, resources, and the right connections. K. Paulraj of Vadanathampati said that when he was elected president of the Veerasigamani panchayat a few years back, he was not allowed by the caste-Hindu members to occupy the president�s chair at the panchayat board meeting.

Killing Spree (Fronline, December 29, 1995 ) (15)

Attacks and counterattacks between Dalits and maravars (BC) result in 13 murders in seven days in two districts.

The continued caste-related violence in two southern districts of Tamil Nadu � Tirunelveli � Kattabomman and Chidambaranar � has left in its trail heavy loss of life and property, causing fear and anxiety among the people. The Jayalalitha government is facing flak for its failure to contain the violence even four months after it erupted. After a few weeks of quiet, clashes erupted again between the two castes � maravars and pillars (a section of dalits) � in the first week of November 1995. Nineteen persons were killed by 4 December 1995, taking the total death count sine 26 July 1995 to thirty-eight.

Another Bloody Spell (Frontline, April 5, 1996 ) (16)

Fresh violence claims 11 lives as more castes and districts are drawn into the riots.

The clashes, hitherto confined to dalit and maravars (BCs), particularly when they started ------, now see the involvement of some more castes---- nadirs, devangar chettiars and saliyars-----

Far from peaceful (Frontline June 13, 1997) (17)

Nadars join the orgy of violence with Thevars, dalit continue to suffer.

The MELAVALAU Murders ( Frontline, July 25, 1997 ) (18 )

A dalit panchayat president and his associates are hacked to death.

The brutal murder of a dalit panchayat president and five of his associates, all dalits, in a Madurai village on June 29 was a stark and shocking symbol of caste-Hindu violence against dalits in Tamil Nadu. The murders have added another dimension to the ongoing caste violence in the southern districts of the state. The murders led to dalit protest in the distant Neyveli Township in Cuddalore district and in Tirunelveli district.

K. Murugesan, president of the Melavalavu panchayat in Madurai district, and some of his associates, who were traveling in a bus bound for Dindigul, were confronted by a gang of about twenty persons, also traveling in the same bus. When all the passengers fled the bus and ran away, the gang chased nine persons and attacked them with sickles at a place close to Melavalavu, 30 km from Madurai. Murugesan (35) and five others died on the spot. Murugesan�s head was cut and thrown into a well.

The cause for the multiple murders can be traced to the 1996 elections to local bodies, when the panchayat was designated as a constituency reserved for the Scheduled Castes. The dalits who had filed nominations had to withdraw following caste-Hindu ( Thevars, BCs) terror; the election was thus rendered infructuous. When elections were held sometime later with fresh nominations, booth-capturing necessitated a repoll. Murugesan was elected in the repoll, but he was prevented from functioning as panchayat president by some caste Hindus (Thevars, BCs ). He made a representation to the Chief Minister; subsequently, armed security was provided to him at his office

Caste �based mobilization and violence (Frontline, November 6, 1998 ) (19)

October 4, 1998 was a black Sunday for the people of the coastal Ramanathapuram district in southern Tamil Nadu. Just two days after the nation celebrated the 129th birth anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi, caste-related violence rocked the villages and towns on either side of the national highway that links this economically backward district with the city of Madurai. Eleven persons were killed and several were injured in the violence and the police action that followed. Six of the dead were dalits; the five others belonged to the Thevar community, a Most Backward Class group. All the victims were from among the economically weaker sections. Scores of houses were torched and hundreds of people rendered homeless.

The immediate cause of the violence was provided by a district-level rally at Ramanathapuram, organized by the Thevarkula Kottamaippu (Thevar Federation). According to a senior politician fro a neighboring district, the Koottamaippu is �a conglomeration of unorganized groups of young Thevar extremists who have joined the power struggle in the Tamil Nadu Thevar Peravai�. The Thevar Peravai is said to have been behind the many instances of violence involving Thevars and dalits that have racked the southern districts in the past five years. Its leadership, perceived to be close to All India Anna Dravidic Monetary Kazhagam general secretary and former Chief Minister J. Jayalalitha, is now caught up in litigation and has been rendered inactive

Challenging casteism (Frontline, July 25, 1997) (20)

Certain acts of governments aggravated caste tensions. Maravars, many of whom have been active against Dalits in the southern districts, were embolden during the Jayalalitha regime.(Some sections of Maravars claimed that Jayalalitha�s rule was �Thevar rule�. Their claims were based on Jayalalitha�s close association with Sasikala, who belongs to that caste, and the significant presence of ministers belonging to the community in her cabinet.) The large number of officers belonging to this community in the administration and in the police force in the southern region also made the situation unfavorable to Dalits.

--------another point highlighted was that members of nondalit, nonbrahmin caste groups turned increasingly hostile to Dalits as socioeconomic status of the latter improved.

K.R. Narayanan handbill triggers attack (Frontline, August 28, 1998) (21)

In broad daylight, caste Hindus (Vanniyars) torched twenty huts and damaged a hundred houses belonging to Dalits. Men, women, and children were assaulted; cooking utensils, clothes and household articles were destroyed; and cycles and bullock carts were broken.

The Tirunelveli Massacre (Frontline, August 13, 1999) (22)

In a reign of terror that lasted half an hour, the Tamil Nadu police enacted a mini-Jallianwalabagh on the banks of the Thamiraparani in Thirunelveli.---- Seventeen persons lost their lives following a brutal police attack on a procession taken out in support of a labor (dalit) struggle.

In his reaction, Karunanidhi (CM) said that he were to take action against the police officials, �people belonging to backward classes� would object to it.--- Sampath saw Karunanidhi�s effort------as an attempt to win the support of dominant Thevar community.

Curbing Franchise (Frontline, October 8, 1999).(23)

Even in a reserved constituency, Dalits are denied the right to vote. ----on 5 September, a large number of Dalits were prevented from exercising their franchise and who dared to vote were beaten up and their houses set afire. Strangely, this happened in the Chidambaram parliamentary constituency, one of the seven constituencies reserved for the Scheduled Castes in Tamil Nadu.----- In this constituency, the Vanniyar caste (MBC) forms a substantial chunk of the population.

No respite for Cuddalore Dalits (Frontline, January 21, 2000) (24)

Dalits in several villages in Cuddalore face violent attacks and an economic boycott by caste Hindus ( Vanniyars); the administration fails to provide security to the oppressed.

The Puliangudi triple murder (Frontline, June 23, 2000) (25)

A campaign by dalit women against illicit liquor and a probable �love affair� b between a Vanniyar boy and a dalit girl lead to murder of three Dalits.

A mockery of grassroots democracy (Frotline,May 24, 2002) (26)

Caste-Hindu resistance to dalit empowerment has manifested itself in various forms since elections to local bodies were first held in 1996 under the revised Tamil Nadu Panchayats Act, 1994. When civic elections were held in 1996 and 2001, in several places caste-Hindu groups attempted to get their village panchayats removed from the reserved category. When such attempt failed, they tried to derail the electoral process itself by preventing dalits from filing nominations. If dalits managed to file their papers, they were not allowed to campaign in non dalit areas. Nondalits also resorted to poll boycott and even used force to scare away dalits from polling booths (198-202). Caste-Hindu resistance continued after the elections. In several places, nondalits refused to cooperate with the elected dalit presidents and ward members and humiliated them with the tacit approval of caste-Hindu government officials.

Besides Paappapatti and Keerippatti, elections to two more panchayats reserved for dalits, Nattamanglalam in Madurai district and Kottakachiyendal in Virudunagar district, could not be held in 1996 and October 2001 because of opposition from the predominant caste-Hindu group in the villages � piranmalaikkallars (a subcaste among Thevars).

Preying on Dalits (Frontline, October 25, 2002) (27)

---At Thinniyam village in Tiruchi district on 22 May. Two Dalits, Murugesan and Ramasami were forced �to feed each other� human excreta. Their crime was that they stood by another dalit, Karuppiah, who was engaged in a prolonged struggle against a former panchayat president ( Kallar).

Killing for �caste honor� (Frontline, September 12,2003) (28)

Caste prejudices are deep-rooted in Tamil Nadu, and people will even kill to preserve �family (or caste)� honor, as they did at Puthukkooraippettai village in Cuddalore district recently by poisoning to death and burning a newly married couple who belonged to different castes. This incident, as also the reactions to a simple flat-hoisting episode at nearby Siruthondamedevi village, reinforced the fact that the worst sufferers in such situations are women and dalits. S. Murugurasen (25), a graduate in chemical engineering, and D. Kannagi (22), a commerce graduate with a diploma in cooperation, both residents of Puthukkooraippettai, near Vriddhachalam town, about 200 km from Chennai, fell in love when they were students at Annamalai university in Chidambaram. Their marriage was solemnized and registered on 5 May 2003 under the Hindu Marriage registration Rules, 1967, by the Registrar of Hindu Marriages, Cuddalore. The couple concealed the fact from their parents, fearing their disapproval because the former belonged to different castes. While Kannagi was a Vanniyar, Murugesan was a dalit. Vanniyars are placed above dalits in the caste hierarchy.

On 3 July 2003, Murugesan came to the village and took Kannagi with him without the knowledge of their parents. Her �disappearance� caused tension in the village and Kannagi�s father, C. Doraisami, the local panchayat president, and her brother Marudupandian, apparently took it as an affront to their �family and caste honor�. They organized a search for the couple, and their men are said to have cornered Murugesan at his house on 7 July. He had apparently come to take some documents. Even at his point Murugesan�s parents claimed that they were not aware of the marriage. Murugesan was apparently taken to a secluded place on the outskirts of the village and tortured all night for information about Kannagi�s whereabouts. His captors allegedly suspended him upside sown into a deep well and threatened to drop him in if he did not disclose where Kannagi was. Murugesan�s resistance finally broke, and he told them that she was with some of his relatives. Marudupandian, accompanied by an uncle of Murugesan�s, brought her back to the village. Both were allegedly forced to drink some poisonous liquid in the presence of scores of people, who were mute witnesses to the agony of the dying couple. The bodies were brunt, leaving no evidence of the gruesome incident

Brutal murder of 3 Dalits (29).

M.Puliangudi is a Village situated in Cuddalore District in Tamil Nadu. This village has a population of around 3000 in which about 300 people are be Dalits and the remaining population belongs to Vanniyar community. Vanniyars are the landed population and regarded as OBC in Tamil Nadu. The Dalits have to come for everything to the Vanniyar area. The shops are all owned by the Vanniyars. The double tumbler practice is still there and other forms of untouchability are still in practice. All the Dalits depend on the Vanniyars for livelihood. There have been several incidents of conflicts within the village on account of breaking the liquor brewing pots set up by Vanniyars. The village panchayat is held in the Vanniyars' living area. Even if there is any dispute between the Dalits, it will be tried in the Vanniyars' area. There were also incidents of Vanniyars raping Dalit women and adolescent girls. Since Dalits were very few in numbers, they were submissive to all these violent incidents.

The pillar in memory of the people who gave their lives during the clashes between Dalits and Vanniyars is a symbolic witness of the oppression by the Vanniyars for the past several years. The pillar says it symbolically represents the peace between both the communities. The Dalit leaders claim that within the past two years in the district of Cuddalore itself there were 20 Dalits killed and in none of the cases proper justice was done to the victims. Although there is clear evidence in all the cases that, there is an involvement of arrack brewers from the Vanniyars side, rarely they are arrested.

The killing of three Dalits in the village of M.Puliangudi should be seen in this background. On 23rd May 2000,Vanniyars claimed that four Dalit youths had broken the arrack brewing pots set up by them. This was brought to the notice of the village panchayat. The youths refused to attend the Panchayat saying that they had not committed the offence. Traditionally the Dalits used to be tied up and beaten in the village. Out of fear for this, the youths avoided attending the panchayat meeting. The youth�s parents attended the panchayat. It was decided that the youths pay Rs 2000 as fine for committing the offence. The youths refused to pay the fine, as they had not committed the offence. Then the youths reported the matter to the Kumaratchi Police station. In the police station the Vanniyars were given warning and were asked not to brew arrack. Moreover, a compromise was reached. Hardly two days (i.e. 25th May 2000) later Karthik a Vanniyar boy went into the house where a Dalit girl was alone and raped her. The Women Sangha leader Vasantha and others caught him red handed and asked him why he had done like this. Then they took him to the Vanniyar area, met the leaders and asked them to marry him to the Dalit girl. The Vanniyar leaders asked for three days time so that they can decide and tell them about the issue. Mean while at midnight on 26th May 2000 three Dalit youths were killed in a very mysterious way

Where caste oppression mocks the constitution (30).

CPI general secretary, D Raja, reports:

The letter and spirit of the constitutional mandate for Dalit reservation in panchayats is being openly flouted in several villages of Tamil Nadu without the authorities, in either Chennai or New Delhi, doing anything about it. In Pappapatti, a village in Madurai district where the post of sarpanch is reserved for Dalits, vested interest groups have repeatedly subverted the election process. Out of the 19 attempts made between 1996 and 2004 to elect a sarpanch, only thrice was the process allowed to be completed. Even on these three occasions, however, a candidate supported by the local dominant caste won, only to resign a few minutes later. The Thevar and Paramalaikallar (designated as OBC by Tamil Nadu government) communities are the dominant castes in the relevant area. They argue that the out of the 1,142 voters in the panchayat, the Dalits constitute only 364, that is, they are only 31.87 per cent of voters. Thus, Dalits are a minority and hence "have no right to be president of the panchayat."

The dominant castes not only decided to continue with the age-old system of caste discrimination by not adhering to constitutional provisions. They also continuously derailed the process so as not to allow a Dalit to become president. They came up with this idea that if no nominations were filed repeatedly or if the person elected as president was forced to resign repeatedly, then five years would pass and the post could be de-reserved. It is also learnt that the Dalits of Pappapatti repeatedly made representation that there should be a polling booth in their locality. They were intimidated by the dominant castes if they dared to go and vote in the polling booths located in dominant caste area. However, on the 19 occasions elections were held, the appeal of the Dalits was not heard. Nor was a polling booth ever put up in the Dalit locality.

Thirdly, all those engaged in this discriminatory exercise may think that technically they are on sound ground. What they fail to see is that they are going against the very spirit of the Constitution. Considering this fact, the Government should rectify the situation and penalize those who continue to engage in atrocities against Dalits.

The list of such tales of horror is endless. The newly acquired power and prosperity have made OBCs an insensitive ruling block, more so towards Dalits. Let�s have some more insight:

Dalits : A ground to test the powers for OBCs

Ravi Kumar (31) observes:

The �Backward� castes (erstwhile shudras) that inflict violence against dalits � especially physical violence � do not possess full-fledged authority in Indian society. They continue to be largely controlled by the authority wielded by Brahmins. Since the parliamentary form of democracy introduced in post-independence India favored the wielding of power by those who are in a majority in society, these shudra castes have, over the years, come to control political power. The constitution of 1950 and the introduction of the concept of secularism curtailed the religious authority of the Brahmins and the BCs were no longer bound to be subservient to the Brahmins. It was only subsequently that economic, administrative and political power devolved to the BCs.

If we examine the violence against dalits in this context, we will have to come to a different conclusion altogether. Rather than seeing it a consequence of such accumulation of power among the BCs, the violence against dalits would be better understood as an attempt by BC Hindus to test their newfound authority on those below them.

Since Brahmins have been a numerical minority in Hindu society, their violence has mostly been symbolic; whereas the violence unleashed by the castes which are in a numerical majority is physical in nature. Earlier, the authority to decide whether a king could be bestowed with recognition and legitimacy was vested with the Brahmins. The dilemma faced by Shivaji, the maratha ruler, in the face of such brahminic authority is recent in our collective memory. Today, the brahmins wield no such authority. In fact, the power to curb and neuter the symbolic authority of the Brahmins is today wielded by nonbrahmin castes. The authority that has been concentrated in the hands of the numerically strong castes has led to their power becoming unlimited in scope

Political Rise of the �Backward Castes� (not Dalits)

A study of backward class (caste) movement is essential to understand the BC-Dalit equation in Tamil Nadu. The so called �backward class movements� in Tamil Nadu had a narrow social base, and was led by an elite organization of Rajas, zamindars, and industrialists. As proclaimed in Non-Brahmin manifesto (32), the members of Non-Brahmin movement (a precursor of Justice Party) were ------�bulk of taxpayers ,including a large majority of zamindars, landholders, and agriculturalists Similarly members of Justice party were claimed to be ��lords of soil and inheritors of noble traditions (T.M. Nair, a founder member of Justice Party) (33).

When the British administration introduced diarchy in pursuance of the Government of India Act of 1919, the Brahmin-dominated Indian National Congress boycotted the elections in protest. The justice party, accepting the scheme of diarchy, contested the elections, won without facing any resistance, and formed the ministry of the former composite Madras presidency in December 1920. The Justice Ministry issued the Communal GO reserving jobs for various nonbrahmin communities in 1921. However, the Justice Party ministry�s idea of nonbrahmin welfare did not include all nonbrahmin castes. This category practically excluded dalits and other religious minorities. Even among nondalit nobbrahmins, only the minority high nonbrahmin castes � reddiars, naickers, mudaliears, vellalars, chettiars �were benefited.

Because of dominance of non-Brahmin upper caste, depressed classes (D C, Dalits) were disillusioned with the justice party very soon. As early as in 1923, M C Rajah, a DC leader ,accused the Justice Party for not doing justice to depressed classes (34).

In post-independence era, also, Dalits were either neglected or were victims of Backward caste movements:

�The Vanniyar Sangam was constituted in 1980 and evolved into the Paattali Makkal Katchi (PMK) under the leadership of S. Ramadoss, a medical doctor. Today, the PMK wields tremendous influence in the Vanniyar belt � the northern districts of the state. In 1987, they staged a weeklong roadblock to demand 20 percent reservation for Vanniyars. During this struggle they torched more than a thousand dalit homes. The agitation and its success led to the subsequent political consolidation of the Vanniyars�(35)

�This policy of reservation as structured by the D.M.K. regime came in for attack as the MBCs felt that nothing was done for them. In 1982 under the AIADMK, the MGR government appointed the Second Backward Classes Welfare Commission under the chairmanship of A.J. Amba Shankar, a retired I.A.S. officer. The commission published its report by 1985. This commission widened the BC category and several castes were included.

Under these circumstances the Vanniars decided to play identity politics of caste as the categorization by the government proved unsatisfactory despite the paternalism of the MGR regime. Dr. S. Ramadoss and A.K. Natarajan established the Vanniar Sangam on 20 July, 1980. It aimed at the unity and welfare of the Vanniars and fight for their political and social rights. The economic rights centered on procuring 20 percent reservation at the state level and 2 percent at the national level. The first agitation was organized b the student wing called the Pattai Namam agitation on 13 March 1986 and the course of agitational politics started to pressurize the governments.

In September 1987 there were violent clashes between the Vanniars and the Dalits in the Cuddalore and Villupuram districts. The Vanniyar agitation for exclusive reservations turned very violent in September 1987, which claimed at least 20 lives in both police firing and clashes between Vanniyars and SCs, and led to the arrest of over 20,000 persons. Through directed against the government, the main victims of the Vanniyars� fury were (and have always been) the hapless SCs with whom they have much in common, especially poverty and backwardness. The Vanniyars are proud of being (just) above the traditional pollution line (in fact for a long time they were harping on their Kshatriya status), and hence of being the immediate caste superiors of the SCs, but the frustration of not being singled our for the kind of special treatment extended to the latter led them to unleash their fury on the SCs�(36).

The position of Dalits have worsened under Backward class rule:

� ---with regard to caste as the basis of social dominance, the position of most Adi-Dravidas (read Dalit) has tended to worsen under their rule ( read OBC rule). On the one hand , they have done nothing to ameliorate the condition of Adi-Dravidas landless rural laborers and, whenever those laborers have mobilized themselves ( as in Thanjavur), they have been inclined to unleash savage forces of repression against them. On the other , as Dravidian ideology has come to develop since the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) achieved state power in 1967, Adi-Dravidas have tended to suffer from increasing social exclusion.� (36, A)

Even in present times, the condition is no better:

�Even as the 1990s saw the emergence of the Dravidian parties------DMK,AIDMK, PMK, and MDMK---------as national players, there was a shocking upsurge of violence against Dalits in Tamil Nadu. The tendency within the political spectrum----was to dodge the central issue of caste oppression of an extreme and murderous kind and spirited resistance to it, and to pass it off the resultant violence as �caste clashes�.(37).

OBCs as Blockade to Land Reforms for Dalits

The inclusion of so many heterogeneous groups within the OBC category has both made for its enormous size and has enabled its leaders to advocate their claim for special status and land in post-independence India. The first wave of land reform in the 1950s aimed at conferring ownership rights on existing tenants of land. Land reform legislation was responsible for displacing the large class of zamindars (large landowners) and creating a substantial class of medium-sized owner-cultivators, many of whom were OBCs. After cornering the benefits of this first wave of legislation, these groups attempted to block all subsequent land reform measures designed to benefit marginal farmers and the landless, who usually belonged to castes and groups lower on the social hierarchy , most notably Dalits (38).

Dalits as substitutes for OBCs

�Human Rights Watch� observes (2)

�Contrary to the general presumption that the OBCs belong to the deprived sections of Hindu society, few groups in independent India have made progress on a scale comparable to the OBCs�.

Untouchability and isolation have never been their problem. Thus to put their claim on government privileges, they project themselves as the victims. But to conceal the true picture, Dalits are very often portrayed as OBCs. In words of Chandrabhan Prasad (39) :

� This has led to a more fundamental question: why are Upper OBCs not adequately represented in institutions of higher learning? Are they socially stigmatized? Do they lack resources? Have they been prevented from entering better schools? Even a frail mind would answer in the negative.

Consider the consequences. In the recent Mandal II agitation, India's two leading news channels - NDTV and CNN-IBN, decided to do pro-reservation stories. One way to showcase the value of reservation was to profile achievers who had once used this privilege at the entry point in education and jobs. Without any exception, all the stories featured Dalit achievers, though Mandal II deals with Upper OBCs alone There is a history behind this. During upper OBCs anti-Brahmin movement in Tamil Nadu, sufferings of Dalits were highlighted to morally legitimize their voices. When the Upper OBC movement in northern India begun replicating the Tamil experience, here too Dalits' suffering were highlighted. How the Upper OBCs have been treating Dalits in return? �

From the Mouth of Messiah (Mandal)!

Mandal�s own report talks of the power and growing prosperity of OBCs. The report itself alludes to how they sit over and exploits the poor Harijans.

Mandal lists 168 castes as backward in Bihar. Among these are Kurmi, Koeri and Yadava. That is on pages 178 and 179 of Volume VI of his report (42). But on page 34 of Volume I of that very report he says of those very castes:

The abolition of all intermediaries has definitely helped the hard working peasant castes like Kurmis, Koeris and Yadavas. These small peasant proprietors work very hard on their lands and also derive their labourers hard and any resistance by the agricultural laborers gives rise to mutual conflicts and atrocities on Harijans�(43).

�The Kurmi, Keori and Yadava peasant proprietors have been in a better position to take advantage of these factors (like new agricultural inputs, rising agricultural prices etc.).� says the study commissioned by Mandal and included by him in Volume IV of his report. And, it adds, �If the agricultural labourers show restiveness or political resistance, they do not hesitate to commit atrocities on them. This factor is at the root of the reprisals on the Harijans at Belchi, Pathada, Gopalpur, Hishrampur, Parasbigha, etc.�. as a consequence, it says, �.. there is no love lost between the peasant backward castes on the one hand and the Scheduled Castes and Tribes on the other.�(44)

On pages 211-212 of Volume VI of his report Mandal anoints 116 castes as �backward� in Uttar Pradesh.(46) Among these are Gujar, Koeri, Kurmi, Lodh and Yadava. But on page 35 of Volume I of the same report Mandal Himself has this to say about these very castes:

Land reforms reproduced similar changes in the political economy of Uttar Pradesh as in Bihar. �The tenant and share-cropping castes of Yadavas, Kurmi, Lodhs, Gujars, Koeris became owner cultivators, and industrious as they are, they are better qualified to take advantage of the modern agricultural inputs�.

The study he reproduces in Volume IV of his report adds, �Unlike the �umbrella farmers� of the forward castes, they are autonomous in their agricultural operations. Like their counterparts in Bihar, they drive their agricultural laborers very hard. While striving to socially catch up with the forwards, they resent the rising political consciousness among the agricultural laborers.(47)� But after being anointed �backward� by Mandal, their atrocities towards Harijans fail to move the hearts of politicians and intelligent classes, and furthermore, they are rewarded with reservations, separate financial institutions, exclusive and centrally funded development programs.

Some more from Messiah:

The Mandal report (Volume IV, Chapter 1,page 276) says �For some reasons, the scheduled castes and the scheduled tribes and other minor artisan castes like the potters, the weavers, the carpenters, etc. feel threatened by the intermediate castes also having a stake in land like the upper castes, the backward class movement will be considerably weakened. There are many states in India where the weaker landless minority artisan castes and the scheduled castes look to the upper castes and not to the intermediate castes for protection.�

The Scenario in UP

There is long history of Conflicts between OBCs and Dalits in UP. The class interests of both the groups are clearly antagonistic in some regions of Uttar Pradesh (42) .OBCs , in an effort to consolidate their social position, react violently to Dalit efforts for social mobility. With political empowerment, OBCs became more self-confident and were quick to harass Dalits.(43,44).This partly explains the sharp rise in incidence of atrocities against Dalits in UP. The Commission of Schedule Castes and Schedule Tribes enumerated 1067 cases of atrocities in UP in its 1989-90 report; five years later, it listed 14,996 such cases in its report of1995.In March 1994, The Times of India cited an intelligence report according to which 27 out of 54 cases of atrocities perpetrated against Untouchables were carried out by OBC- half a dozen of them involved Yadavas(Times of India, 2 March 1994) (45).

Zoya Hasan writes (45a):

The politicization of middle and backward castes, which coincided with the Janata Party split, underscored the importance of caste in UP politics. Political articulation on caste lines, which was clearly divisive, more frequently took on a confrontational and communal character. The highly politicized groups like jats and yadavs were faced by a challenge from lower classes , particularly lower caste agricultural labourers, often adopted an extremely aggressive posture against the Dalits, that is, the oppressed Harijan castes.

In fact, the rise of middle and Backward castes, such as the jats, ahirs, kurmis and gujars in a number of districts intensified conflicts between the new yadav and kurmi landowners and the landless agricultural labourers. The new rural rich treated the Harijan labourers worse than they did other poor peasants---------

The extent to which modern rural capitalists were prepared to go to maintain their socio-political dominance was revealed in the increasing incidents of violence ending in Harijan burnings. UP recorded the highest number of violent incidents against Harijans in recent years, much higher compared even to Bihar where the level of social violence is generally high. According to official estimates, in 1979 there were at least 191 murders besides the burning of hundreds of houses. It should be noted that in 1981, 1429 cases of crimes against Harijans were registered in UP as against eight in West Bengal and 94 in Kerala.----

The Reports of Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes revealed that the atrocities against Harijans were invariably instigated by the affluent section of middle caste peasantry who were themselves victims of social discrimination at the hands of upper caste big landowners. The new elite , capable of guarding production operation with more direct and active participation than the upper castes was �equally sensitive to any change in semi-feudal relations in the agrarian sector.�

In the land of Messiah

Bihar has been the house of worse atrocities towards dalits:

�-----These sections (read OBCs ) have already become known for the ferocity with which they have been trying to suppress the demands of the poor peasants and landless agricultural laborers for land and statutory minimum wages. A part of their effort s has taken the form of the raising of armed private armies, the most notorious of which has been the Bhoomi Sena the Koormi landlords of Gaya, Patna, Nalanda,and Jehanabad districts of south-central Bihar. It has been responsible for 125 incidents and 230 murders in the region and has its headquarters in Patna. In 68 instances of violence recorded between 1982 and 1986, the Sena has razed 216 houses of the weaker sections and forced the population of 13 villages to flee.(46)

The carnage and brutal violence characterizing some of the attacks on Schedule Castes by OBCs have sent shock waves throughout the country. The names of the villages where some of these have occurred have become almost synonymous with atrocities. The incidents make gruesome readings:

----On May27,1977, an armed mob of Kurmis attack Belchi, a village in Bihar�s Patna district and slaughtered 11 persons, including eight Harijans. The bodies of victims were thrown into a pyre and burnt (47).

-----On February 25, 1980, 14 members of the Schedule Caste of Chamars, including four women and six children, were killed and 27 huts set ablaze by a mob of about 400 Kurmi muscleman who attacked Pipra , a village in Bihar�s Patna district (48).

------On March 25, 1991, more than 400 Harijan huts were looted and burnt by Yadavs in Madhepura village of Saharsa district in Bihar (49).

Is It a new phenomenon?

Victimization of Dalits by OBCs is not a new phenomenon. In their charter of demands to the Statutory Commission in as early as 1928, Swami Achutanand and other members of Adi-Hindu (Depressed Classes) Sabha, UP, write (50):

�---------The attitude of the Shudras towards the untouchables is even worse than that of the other three Varnas and if they are classed along with the untouchables as a separate community and granted separate representation jointly, they being numerically stronger and economically and politically infinitely superior, will usurp , all the seats, and our condition instead of being improved will become worse.�

Lies And Conspiracy

Read the following passage from Mandal Report:

Chapter IV,Social Backwardness and Caste,Mandal Commission Report, Pg. 15.

4.19 In Mysore State, the women of certain lower castes were not permitted to cover their bosoms. There arose a sharp controversy over this issue resulting in civil disturbances and ultimately the Maharaja of Mysore had to issue a Royal Proclamation permitting the aggrieved castes to wear jackets or cover their bosoms, �in any manner they desire, but that they were not permitted to imitate the dress and hair styles of higher castes.�

This passage has been presented in a way to conceal the identity of the �oppressor� and the �oppressed�. It gives the impression that the oppressed were OBCs and oppressors were so called upper caste Hindu (Brahmins, Kshatriya---etc)

But read the following statement of 1931 Census:

Appendix I,

Exterior Castes,

Census of India, pg. 485.

There are other points in which the exterior castes ( read SCs ) suffer socially. Thus exception is taken to their wearing the ornaments usually worn by higher castes, and in some cases they are not allowed to wear gold ornaments at all. In December 1930 the Kallars ( read OBC ) in Ramnad propounded eight prohibitions, the disregard of which led to the use of violence by the Kallars against the exterior castes whose huts were fired, whose granaries and property were destroyed and whose livestock was looted. These eight prohibitions were as follows:

i. that the Adi-Dravidas (read Dalits) shall not wear ornament of gold and silver;

ii. that the males should not be allowed to wear their clothes below their knees or above the hips;

iii. that their males should not wear coats or shirts or baniyans;

iv. no Adi-Dravida shall be allowed to have his hair cropped;

v. that the Adi-Dravidas should not use other than earthenware vessels in their homes;

vi. their women shall not be allowed to cover the upper portion of their bodies by clothes or ravukais or thavanies;

vii. their women shall not be allowed to use flowers or saffron paste; and

viii. the men shall not use umbrellas for protection against sun and rain nor should they wear sandals.

In June 1931, the eight prohibitions not having been satisfactorily observed by the exterior castes in question, the Kallars met together and framed eleven prohibitions, which went still further than the original eight, and an attempt to enforce these led to more violence. These eleven prohibitions were:-

�1. The Adi-Dravidas and Devendrakula Vellalars should not wear clothes below their knees.

2. The men and women of the above said depressed classes should not wear gold jewel.

3. Their women should carry water only in mud pots and not in cooper or brass vessels. They should use straw only to carry the water pots and not cloths should be used for that purpose.

4. Their children should not read and get themselves literate or educated.

5. The children should be asked only to tend the cattle of the Mirasdars.

6. Their men and women should work as slaves of the Miradars in their respective Pannais.

7. They should not cultivate the land either on waram or lease from the Mirasdar.

8. They must sell away their own lands to Mirasdars of the village at very cheap rates, and if they don�t do so, no water will be allowed to them to irrigate their lands. Even if something is grown by the help of rain-water, the crops should be robbed away, when they are ripe for harvest.

9. They must work as coolies from 7 a.m. to 6 p.m. under the Mirasdars and their wages shall be for men Re.0-4-0 per day and for women Re.0-2-0 per day.

10. The above said communities should not use Indian Music (Melan, etc.), in their marriages and other celebrations.

11. They must stop their habit of going on a horse in procession before tying the Thali thread in Marriage, and they must use their house doors as a palanquin for the marriage processions and no vehicle should be used by them, for any purpose�.

Emphasizing reservation and neglecting atrocities will not do.

.. While the Harijans at times suffer from social disabilities, especially in the villages, even after achieving higher education and better employment, the middle caste people, most of whom come under the OBCs, enjoy better social status even otherwise like the high castes. The OBCs on the one hand blames Brahmins for the existing caste system and on the other suppresses the SC/STs to prove their caste superiority. If reservation is meant for those who suffer from social disabilities, the clams of the OBCs becomes invalid. In fact it is the middle caste people who perpetuate caste discrimination the most these days, especially in South India. For example, a ten year old boy belonging to the OBC category calling a grown up SC man by this stigmatized identity in public places and ordering him to hold his footwear in hand while walking through the residential areas of high caste people is still a common phenomenon in many villages like Akiramesi, situated about 34 KM away from the Paramakudi (taluk), in Ramanathapuram district of Tamil Nadu which is one of the educationally advances States.(40).

Our political establishments on one hand criticize the atrocities on Dalits, on the other hand they talk of rewarding the perpetrators. For example, in one of the above mentioned examples of Dalit repression (Where caste oppression mocks the constitution), D Raja, General Secretary CPI, criticizes Dalit oppression, but in parliament he demands reservations for the same oppressors . It may be a compulsion of electoral politics, but it is not going to help the nation. In the words of Shiv Visvanathan (41) :

�Emphasising reservation and neglecting atrocities will not do. This will help us evade the fact that often the worst caste atrocities are not the infliction of the Brahmins but of the new OBC classes.�


1. Caste tensions on the rise in Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra, Bihar: Govt. report,� Times of India, August 2, 1996.(Quoted in � BrokenPeople� see Ref 2)

2 . Broken People: Caste violence against India�s �Untouchables�.Human Right Watch, New York, 1999

3. S. Viswanathan, Dalit in Dravidland(2005), Navayana Publication, Pondicherry

4 Hugo Gorringe, Untouchable Citizens (2005), Sage Publications, New Delhi,.

5 In Ref 4, page 122-123.

6.Pandian MSS. Dalit assertion in Tamil Nadu: An Explanatory Note. Journal of Indian School of Political Economy 2000,12(3&4):501-517.

7 Pandian MSS. Crisis in DMK. EPW 1994,29(5):221-23.

8 In Ref 3, Page xxxi.

9 In Ref 3, Page 14.

10. Chapter IV, Ref 2.

11 Chapter V, Ref 2.

12-28 Appeared in Ref 3.

29. www.ambedkar.org/News/hl/Brutal%20murder.htm

30. The Hindu, Friday June 2005

31. Ravi Kumar. In Ref 3, pages xi-xxxi.

32. Hindu,Dec 20, 1916.

33. E F Irschick. Tamil Revivalism in the 1930s, page 260.

34.Saraswthi S. Minorities in Madras state: group interest in modern politics. New Delhi, Impex India, 1974, page171.

35 In Ref 3, page xxxvii.

36. P Radhakrishnan. Backward class movement in Tamil Nadu. In �Caste: Its twentieth century avatar� Edit. M N Srinivas.Penguin, New Delhi,1996, pages110-134.

36A. Caste , class and dominance in modern Tamil Nadu, by D A Washbrook, in Dominance and state power in modern India. Decline of a social order. Editors, Francine R. Frankel , M S Rao, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1989.

37. N Ram in Ref 3, page vi.

38. Meenakshi Jain, �Backward Castes and Social Change in U.P. and Bihar,� in Caste: Its twentieth Century Avatar (New Delhi, Penguin , 1996 ), p. 136.

39.What of OBC elite? By Chandrabhan Prasad, in The Pioneer, JULY19, 2006.

40. Ramaih A. � Mandal commission�s recommendations: A critical review�, in A. A. Engineer,ed, �Mandal Commission Controversy�, Delhi: Ajanta Publications,1991. p.242-248.

41 Shiv Visvanathan . Dark side of learning. In The Times of India, July 10, 2006.

42 Christophe Jafferlot. India�s silent revolution :The rise of low castes in North India politics.Permanent Black, Delhi, 2003, pg411.

43.A. Mishra, Challenge to SP-BSP Govrnment, EPW, 19 Feb,1994 ,p.409 (quoted in Ref 42, pg412).

44 S Chandra, �Dalit versus the OBCs�, Sunday, 27 Feb,1994, p 10-13 (quoted in Ref 42,pg 412)

45 Quoted in Ref 42, pg 412.

45a. Zoya Hasan. Patterns of Resilience and change in Uttar Pradesh. In �Dominance and state power in modern India� Editors F R Frankel, MSA Rao, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1993, Vol I, p 189-91.

46. Mathew, Mammen, Criminalisation in Bihar: Private armies are ready for a showdown�, The Hindustan Times, Delhi, April 7,1991.

47. �Sentences in Belchi carnage case upheld�, report, The Times of India, Bombay edition, February 2, 1982.

48. Krupakaran,P K. � No help from Pipera Police�, report, Indian Express, Delhi edition ,February 28,1980. Also see, �Life term for 50 in Pipera outrage�, report, Indian Express, Delhi, August 6, 1981.

49�Inflammed passions�, editorial, The Times of India, Dehi,March30, 1991. also see �400 Harijan huts set afire in Bihar�, report, The Times of India, Delhi, March 26, 1991,

50 Charter of Demands of Adi-Hindu Sabha,UP, 1928. Reproduced from Seminar 558, Feb 2006, Document, p22-23.

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