CONTENTS
OF THIS SECTION
Last updated
09/03/08 |
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Malaysia Based
Tamil Related Websites... |
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Malaysian Tamils Back the
Cause of Eelam |
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Language & Literature |
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“மலேசியத் தமிழ் கவிதை களஞ்சியம்
(1887-1987)” An Anthology of Malaysian Tamil Poetry (1887-1987)
– A short review by Geetha Ramaswami |
Tamil Literature in Malaysia Narration
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Malaysian Tamil Writers Gallery |
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மலேசிய நூல்கள் - விருபா |
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A Portrait of the Imagination as a Malleable Kolam: K. S. Maniam's In a Far
Country - Shanthini Pillai |
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Teaching Of Tamil In Malaysia National Schools To Start, 2005 |
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Malaysia Tamiz Kavithaik Kalanchiyam |
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Malaysian Tamil Novels before Independence |
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Malaysian Tamil Novels After Independence |
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Tamil Schools: The Cinderella of Malaysian Eduation |
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Malaysian Tamils and Tamil Linguistic Culture |
The Malay-Tamil Cultural
Contacts with Special Reference to the Festival of "Mandi Safar"
S. Singaravelu |
Tamil Newspapers published in Malaysia -
Makkal Osai
Malaysia Nanban
Tamil Nesan
Vanakkam Malaysia |
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Tamil Place Names in Malaysia - Wikipedia "The very name
Malaya is a combination of two Tamil words, Malay or Malai (hill)
and ur (town) meaning hilltown” (Malaiyur). According to Dr.
Thriunavukkarasu the word Malaysia means the Mountains of Asia.
There is also another hill-town in Sumatra (Malayadvipa) which
had been given the same name Malai-Yur which later became Malayu
(see Melayu Kingdom)." |
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Victoria Institution |
Reminscences
of R.Thampipillay at Victoria Institution "...Mr. R.
Thampipillay (1879-1974) was born in Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) and joined the
Victoria Institution as a pupil in 1895 on his arrival in Malaya. He was a
brilliant scholar and on graduation joined the V.I. teaching staff in 1898.
He played a prominent part in the formation and training of the Cadet Corps,
holding the rank of Lieutenant. Throughout his career he taught a total of
some fifteen thousand pupils, all of whom carried away with them fond
memories of a dedicated, versatile and exemplary teacher..."
Nadesan Satyendra is one
of his grand sons. |
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Victoria Institution Web Page |
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Politics of Hindu Revivalism |
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"Weapons of the Meek": Ecstatic Ritualism and Strategic
Ecumenism among Tamil Hindus in Malaysia - Willford A
"This article examines the politics of Hindu revivalism among Tamils in
Malaysia. In examining the dramatic pilgrimage and ritual of Thaipusam and
the activities of a leading Hindu reform and performing arts organization,
it is argued that the present resurgence of Hinduism is related to a growing
sense of displacement experienced by Tamils in Malaysia. Thaipusam, while
representing a collective assertion of Tamil and Hindu identity, also
signifies "Indian" within an Islamic-modernist discourse of the Malaysian
nation. Becoming an ethnic subject within a multicultural nationalist
discourse, in turn, produces ambivalence among some Tamils which is
manifested in status concerns and social distancing within the Tamil
community. Many elite Hindus, in turn, are drawn to the apparently
ecumenical and modernist teachings within Hindu reform organizations. The
vicissitudes of Malaysian Hinduism bring into focus some of the complex ways
that diasporic sentiments are produced and differentiated along lines of
status and class within and against modernist state-ideologies. " |
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Vallalar Manram |
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Second National Saiva Siddhanta Conference 2000 |
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Thaipusam in Malaysia |
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Kalaivani,
a Malaysian Tamil
Information Exchange |
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Agamic Psychology |
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Books by S.
Durai Raja Singam
at adebooks.com |
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Temple Bells - A Study of Hindu Festivals and Temples in
Malaysia. |
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Malayan Place Names (ISBN:111270227X) |
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Langkasuka: Glimpses of Indians in Malaysia in Ancient
Times |
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India and Malaya Through the Ages (A Pictorial Survey) |
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Malaysia -
மலேசியா
- an estimated 1,060,000 Tamils live in
Malaysia -
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Chalangai (Dancing Bells) -
A Malaysian Indian Story - a film about Malaysian Indians told in a
Malaysian way
Trailer 1
- Trailer
2
"Chalanggai portrays some of the social, cultural and
economic conditions of Malaysian Indians who struggle to keep up with the
rapid growth of developing Malaysia. The film is set in Brickfields, an
Indian street at the heart of Kuala Lumpur, the capital of Malaysia. The
film looks into the aspects of urban living social issues of ethnic
Indians such as education suppression, unemployment, dysfunctional family
values as well as racial segregation that most Malaysian Indians encounter
in their daily lives.
The film is a cry that hopefully, will create a sense
of history, self-rediscovery and an inspiration to all Malaysians. It also
intends to be a reminder to the younger generation of the hardship and
treatment endured by their predecessors.
'A race of people is like an
individual man: until it uses its own talent, takes pride in its history,
expresses its own culture and affirm its own selfhood, it cannot fulfil
itself" "- Malcom X

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The Indian Minority & Political Change in
Malaya 1945-1957 - Rajeswary Ampalavanar
"Large scale migration of Indians from the sub continent to Malaya followed the
extension of British formal rule to the west coast Malay states in the 1870s. As early as
1901 the Indian population in the Straits Settlements and the Federated Malay States was
approximately 120,000, and by 1947 it had grown to almost 600,000 for Malaya and
Singapore. At the time of Independence in 1957 it stood at a little over 820,000. In this
last year Indians accounted for approximately 11 per cent of the total population of Malaya and Singapore.
The overwhelming majority of migrants from India were Tamil speakers from the
south of the sub continent. In 1947 they represented approximately 77 per cent
of the total Indian population in Malaya and Singapore."
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On Tamils in
Malaysia - Shan Ranjit, 8 December 2007
"..Malaysia
has been in the news of recently. The Tamils in
Malaysia especially those of Indian origin have begun
agitating for their civic rights. I had written an
article - attached below - in the mid nineties during a
visit to Malaysia. I was shocked at the way that non
Malays - especially those of Indian and Eelam
origin were treated. And I was saddened by
the way these Malaysians of Indian and Eelam
origin accepted the open discrimination of their
government. I had the opportunity of meeting very
highly educated and wealthy Malaysians of Eelam origin
during the visit. When I pointed to them about their
unconditional support for the racist policies of
the Malaysian government, they laughed at me and
told me that it was the Eelam Tamils who were real
fools. They pointed out that had the Eelam Tamils
followed their policies - accepting political
discrimination for economic concessions the Tamils of
Eelam would not be in their present sorry state. All of
them were unanimous in their opinion that the Malaysian
government would never allow another " 69 " ( a major
riot which broke out against the Chinese and the
Indians).."
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Tamils in Malaysia Protest Against Discrimination by
Malaysian Government, 25 November 2007
" The record of racial
discrimination
practiced by the Malaysian government as well as by government
agencies is an open secret. Figures in this list are estimates. The Government of Malaysia has
the most correct figures. Is the government of Malaysia too ashamed
to publicise their racist acts by publishing the statistics?
The Record Speaks.." more
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Malaysian
Indians: a Third Class Race - C.S.Kuppuswamy, 2003
"The plight of the Malaysian Indians can be attributed in part to a dependency
mindset nurtured on the plantations and this has to be overcome. There is a
significant and emergent need for a change in the leadership of the Indian
parties in power to take up the cause of the Indians to get them their due
rights free from racial discrimination and have full access to jobs and
education."
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Economic Identity & Malaysian Indians
- Dato Seri S. Samy Vellu, President, Malaysian Indian Congress, May 2003
"..Sir, while the Indian community has been
successful at the macro policy level, there has been a serious
concern over the implementation and delivery of this policy. To
date there has been no action taken by any of the Government
agencies. The Economic Planning Unit is supposed to undertake a
study and draw up specific strategies. However our understanding
is that no action has been taken. The Mid -Term Review of the
Eighth Malaysian Plan is due for tabling in Parliament towards
the later part of the year. The MIC therefore urges you to
review this matter and direct the relevant agencies to take the
appropriate action."
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Malaysian Tamils and Tamil
Linguistic Culture -
Harold F. Schiffman, 1998
"The purpose of this paper is to examine the
position of Tamil as an ethnic minority and language in Malaysia, and to
make some predictions about the prognosis for survival of Tamil in the
twenty-first century. Tamils are the largest of the language groups that
form the `Indian' minority in Malaysia, which constitutes around 9% of the
population, or 1.5 million. Within this number, people classified as
Tamil-speaking are about 85%.... .. (But) increasing number of Tamils ...
are not actually Tamil speakers.... The Tamil language will probably survive
in Malaysia into the twenty-first century, but perhaps only in isolated
rural pockets, or as the language of a marginalized urban underclass...
Tamil has no economic value in Malaysia, and is therefore maintained by
the socio-economically destitute as a last vestige of primordial ethnicity.
Since even in the developed western countries (e.g. the US) a similarly
destitute urban underclass persists, and continues to maintain its own
variety of English despite teachers' attempts to extirpate it, the prognosis
for Tamil is unlikely to be any different in Malaysia"
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Language Shift in the Tamil Communities of Malaysia and Singapore: the
Paradox of Egalitarian Language Policy
- Harold F.Schifmann,
1996
"...If language maintenance does not occur,
there can be several results. One is language death; speakers become
bilingual, younger speakers become dominant in another language, and the
language is said to die. The speakers or the community does not die, of
course, they just become a subset of speakers of another language. The end
result is language shift for the population, and if the language isn't
spoken elsewhere, it dies. In the case of Tamil in Malaysia, we do not speak
of death because Tamil continues to live on in Tamilnadu, but the effect is
the same. For the speakers who go to their death as Tamils still, it is a
kind of death to see their children shift to another language..."
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Social and Political Ferment in the Malayan Indian Community 1945 to 1955 -
S.Arasaratnam, 1968
"...(the) political and social changes broadly
outlined here follow the pattern of similar changes that have taken place in
India and Ceylon in post-war years. As long as the English educated middle class
was the only articulate and opinion-forming group in a community, its political
and social activity was centred round wider and more universal loyalties, and
divisive factors played down. When other layers of leadership emerge, which do
not share this common experience and values of westernisation, there takes
place a certain degree of centrifugalism of political and social forces. In
Ceylon we have seen the polarisation of politics into a Sinhalese and
a Tamil
nationalism cutting into whatever common ground there was of a Ceylonese nation. In India,
the nation is rather dangerously poised on top of a number of separate
and sometimes conflicting linguistic nationalisms."
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Culture and Economy: Tamils on
the Plantation Frontier in Malaysia Revisited, 1998/99 - Ravindra K. Jain,
2000
"There is a caste war going on among Indians in Malaysia. Let me delineate
the general process and recent history... "
more
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The Changing Positions of Two Tamil Groups in Malaysia - 'Indian' Tamils &
'Ceylon' Tamils - Clarence E. Glick, 1968
"...Higher education or specialized education in preparation for professional and technical positions holds some promise for advancement, but many of the younger, educated Indian Tamils, like the younger Ceylon Tamils, feel a sense of uncertainty and insecurity about their future. Perhaps this is another instance of the " rising expectations " syndrome: as a minority's self-conception improves, the ambitions of its members rise faster than the opportunities to satisfy them. But ironically, the youths of the formerly advantaged group, the Ceylon Tamils, are now facing the same problems as the educated youth of the Indian Tamil group. However, the Ceylon Tamils are a minority within a minority, having to cope with a more drastic re-evaluation of their group status..."
more
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Ethnic Tensions in Malaysia: A wake-up call for the Malaysian Indian
Congress
- C.S. Kuppuswamy, 2001
"Ignored by government Policy, hidden from
mainstream Malaysian society, the Indian labour force indeed becomes
Malaysia’s forgotten people"
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Heritage Denied - Anthony Spaeth, 2002
"Decades of official discrimination have turned Malaysia's
ethnic Indians into a disgruntled underclass"
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Political & Economic Marginalisation of Tamils in Malaysia,
Asia Studies Review, September 2002 -
Fee L.K |
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Sojourners to citizens : Sri Lankan Tamils in Malaysia, 1885-1965
- Rajakrishnan Ramasamy
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The Indian Minority & Political Change in
Malaya 1945-1957 Rajeswary Ampalavanar, Oxford University Press, 1981
"Large scale migration of Indians from the sub continent to Malaya followed the
extension of British formal rule to the west coast Malay states in the 1870s. As early as
1901 the Indian population in the Straits Settlements and the Federated Malay States was
approximately 120,000, and by 1947 it had grown to almost 600,000 for Malaya and
Singapore. At the time of Independence in 1957 it stood at a little over 820,000. In this
last year Indians accounted for approximately 11 per cent of the total population of Malaya and Singapore.
The overwhelming majority of migrants from India were Tamil speakers from the south of
the sub continent. In 1947 they represented approximately 77 per cent of the total Indian
population in Malaya and Singapore. Other South Indians, mainly Malayalee and Telegus,
formed a further 14 per cent in 1947, and the remainder of the Indian community was
accounted for by North Indians, principally Punjabis, Bengalis, Gujeratis, and Sindhis.
These ethnic divisions corresponded closely to occupational specialisation. For example
the South Indian Tamils were predominantly labourers, the majority being employed on
rubber estates, though a significant minority worked in Government public works
departments. The Telegus were also mainly labourers on the estates, whilst the Malayalee
community was divided into those who occupied relatively more skilled labouring positions
on the estates and those who were white collar workers or professionals. The North
Indians, with the exception of the Sikhs, were mainly merchants and businessmen. For
example, the Gujeratis and Sindhis owned some of the most important textile firms in
Malaya and Singapore. The Sikhs were either in the police or employed as watchmen.
There were, in addition, three further ethnic and religious groups whose political and
economic importance in Malaya far exceeded their numerical strength. Two were important
business communities the Chettiars, a money lending caste from Madras, and the South
Indian Muslims (Moplahs and Marakkayars) who were mainly wholesalers. The third group were
the Ceylonese Tamils who were employed principally in the lower levels of the Civil
Service and in the professions.
The close correspondence between the ethnic and occupational divisions of the Indian
community was inevitably reflected in the community's geographical distribution in Malaya.
The South Indian Tamils were concentrated mainly in Perak, Selangor, and Negri Sembilan,
on the rubber estates and railways, though a significant proportion found employment on
the docks in Penang and Singapore The Telegus were mainly on the rubber estates of Lower
Perak and parts of Selangor, while the Malayalees were located predominantly in Lower
Perak, Kuala Lumpur, parts of Negri Sembilan, and Johore Bahru. The business communities,
the Gujeratis, Sindhis, Chettiars, and South Indian Muslims, were concentrated in the
urban areas, principally Kuala Lumpur, Penang, Ipoh, and Singapore. The Ceylon Tamils were
also mainly an urban community, though some were found in rural areas working as
subordinate staff on the estates...."
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Malaysian Indians - the Third Class Race -
C.S.Kupuswamy, South Asia Analysis Group, 28 February 2004 |
[ see also
Tamils in Malaysia Protest Against
Discrimination by Malaysian Government, 25 November 2007]
“A race of people is like an individual man: until it uses its own talent, takes
pride in its history, expresses its own culture and affirm its own selfhood, it
cannot fulfill itself” --- Malcom X
The third largest ethnic group in Malaysia after the Chinese and the Malays are
the Malaysian Indians. Despite the fact that the Indians constitute about 8% of
the country’s population of 22 million they own less than 2% of its national
wealth. According to The Economist (22nd Feb 2003), “they make up 14% of its
juvenile delinquents, 20% of its wife and child beaters and 41% of its beggars.
They make up less than 5% of the successful university applicants.” The story of
the Indians has been a case of progressive deterioration from the time Malaysia
became independent in 1957.
The mass Indian (South Indian) immigration can be traced back to the early 20th
century when the Britishers brought them to meet the labour force requirements
in the colonial public services and in private plantations. While the bulk of
the Tamils were employed in the plantations, the Sri Lankan Tamils and
Malayalees were in supervisory or clerical positions. Of the North Indians, the
Punjabis were in the police force, while the Gujaratis and Sindhis were in the
business (mostly textiles). Despite the mass exodus of South Indians back to
India after independence and after the racial riots of May 1969, the Tamils
(South Indians) constitute about 80% of the total Indian community.
The Indians themselves are to some extent responsible for their present
unenviable and ignominious status, and the policies of the Malaysian Government
since independence had not been helpful either. Ignorance born out of poverty in
the plantations resulted in many of them not getting citizenship which was
offered in 1957 when Malaysia became independent. This prevented them from
getting jobs.
A major setback for the Indian labour force was the steady closure of the rubber
plantations giving way to tea and oil palm plantations. Their numbers started
dwindling and they had competition from the illegal Indonesian immigrants.
Unlike the Chinese who lay great emphasis on education, it was not given due
importance by the Indian working class. The Tamil schools in the estates were
often mere apologies and offered no opportunity for progress in higher
education. The undue importance on Tamil education has also weakened the Indian
community in competing with the indigenous Malays and the Chinese. One of the
major reasons for the low percentage of Indian origin students in the tertiary
institutions in the country is the lack of merit and as a result, even the
quotas set for the Indians remain unutilised.
Despite their economic backwardness, the Indians were a peace loving people and
were not involved in any racial riots either in May 1969 or later except for a
few incidents of clashes on account of religious sentiments. However in March
2001, the ethnic clashes between Indians and Malays in a village in the
outskirts of Kuala Lumpur, brought into focus the plight of the Indian community
in Malaysia. The incident has since been forgotten on the assumption that the
clashes resulted on account of poor living conditions in the villages than the
racial differences. There has been no introspection of this incident by the
Government or by the Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC), the leading political
party of the Indians.
The MIC, a constituent of the coalition government at the center since
independence does not have much political clout and has not been able to do
anything substantial to improve the lot of the Indians. Datuk Seri Samy Vellu is
the President of the MIC since 1979. Charles Santiago, a Malaysian economic
consultant, in an interview on 5 Feb. 2003 to Radio Australia (Asia Pacific)
said “ He (Samy Vellu) is in, very much in control of the party, and the party’s
run almost on feudal organisation where almost all the decisions are made by the
President himself…. A lot of Indians are critical of MIC’s role in the coalition
government … the Indian middle class dose not want to associate itself in the
MIC and largely making the MIC a working class party." This in brief sums up the
state of affairs of the leading Indian party and its leader in the coalition
government.
On January 9, 2003, India celebrated the Parvasi Bhartiya Divas (Day of the
Persons of the Indian origin and Non resident Indians), and ten eminent persons
of Indian origin were given the Indian Diaspora award. Datuk Seri Samy Vellu was
one among them. One wonders whether Government of India made any enquiry about
Datuk Seri Samy Vellu's contributions to the Malaysian Indians.
Referring to the
grand mela organised by Government of India for the people of Indian origin, Dr.
P. Ramasamy of Malaysia in a letter to the Far Eastern Economic Review (Feb.,
27, 2003) said “like previous (Indian) governments it continues to betray the
interest and welfare of million of Indians locked in poverty and misery
overseas…. It wants to develop the links with the wealthy segments of the
overseas Indian community while turning a blind eye at the less savory side of
the diaspora.”
The Malaysian Government policies since independence have also been consistently
to the detriment of the non-Malays in general though the Indian community seems
to be most hard hit. The first major step was the introduction of work permits
for the non-citizens when a majority of Indian workers had not obtained
Malaysian citizenship. Subsequently in 1971 with its New Economic Policy, the
Government championed the cause of the Malays by the policy of
"Bhumiputras"(sons of the soil).
The Bhumiputras were to have a major share in
the public sector while the private sector remained secure with the Chinese. The
introduction of quotas for the different races in the educational institutions
has also adversely affected the Indian community. The New Development Plan for
the period 1991-2000 was also designed to achieve the socio-economic upliftment
of the Bhumiputras and the MIC’s efforts to place the Indians in a separate
ethnic grouping seems to have made no headway with the Malaysian Government.
Being a minority, they do not have the numerical strength to exert any political
influence nor do they make any significant contribution to the national economy.
The ruling government’s apathy to the Indians is therefore understandable.
But what about the leaders like Samy Vellu and what has been their contribution
towards the alleviation of poverty of the poor people of Indian origin? There
has been none.
The following observations elucidate some of the reasons for the current state
of the Indians and the bleak chances of their betterment:
*"Malaysians have failed to integrate in any meaningful fashion, even after
almost forty years of independence.” – Edmund Terrence Gomez in the book “
Ethnic Futures – The state and identity politics in Asia”
* ‘Indians have little prospect of advancement, since Malaysia’s Chinese
minority dominates business and Malays control the bureaucracy”- P.Ramasamy (The
Economist 22nd February 2003).
* “Despite the country’s veneer of racial harmony and opportunity for all, many
in the Indian community have limited access to housing , education and jobs.
About 54% of Malaysian Indians work on plantations , or as urban labourers and
their wages have not kept up with the times.” –Santha Oorjitham (Asiaweek
January 26, 2001).
* “The Scope of government help (to the Indians) is also limited by the
realities of the race politics in Malaysia, which effectively means the problems
of the majority Malays will always come ahead of those of the Indians”. – Simon
Elegant (FEER April 20, 2000).
* “Malaysia’s Indians are at the bottom of the country’s social and economic
scale and their ebullient yet stubborn political leader Samy Vellu is not
helping matters”. Simon Elegant (FEER April 20, 2000)
Conclusion.
The plight of the Malaysian Indians can be attributed in part to a dependency
mindset nurtured on the plantations and this has to be overcome. There is a
significant and emergent need for a change in the leadership of the Indian
parties in power to take up the cause of the Indians to get them their due
rights free from racial discrimination and have full access to jobs and
education.
As proposed in the Conference on the “The Malaysian Indian in the new
millennium –rebuilding the Community” held at Kuala Lumpur in June 2002,
problems such as the loss of self esteem within the community, external derision
and the absence of unifying factors to forge a single identity have to be
addressed by the leading cultural, social and political institutions and embark
on an action plan. However the effort has to come from within the community and
has to be sustained as such deliberations have been there in the past also with
no major impact on the Government.
Till now the Indian Government has done very little in this regard. Since the
Government of India has now embarked upon a programme for interacting with the
Overseas Indians, especially with the affluent sections in the Western nations,
it should also look after the interests of the under privileged Overseas Indians
in countries like Malaysia. As part of the “ Look East” policy interaction with
Malaysia especially in the field of education will be beneficial to the Indian
community. The High Commission of India in Kuala Lumpur used to award
scholarships to the poorer sections of the Indian community in the late 80’s.
The system , if continuing, can be augmented further to help the community.
Setting up IIT type institutions and exchange programmes can also be considered.
There is need to make a proper selection and not go by the recommendations of
the big wigs.
As of now the problems faced by the Malaysian Indians are not being attended to
by the Malaysian Government nor does the community have the economic or
political clout to demand their redressal. One wonders whether the Indians
belong to the third major race or to a third class race in the country. We are
not aware what recommendations the High Power Committee of Government of India (
really high powered with extensive tours all over the world, five star hotels
and lavish receptions etc) have made for the poorer sections of the Indian
community abroad. Acceptance of the dual citizenship for a selected class is not
going to be helpful either for this hapless lot. |
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