Introduction
Justice and equality are the two
subjects often talked about by most of the nationalists
and leaders of various political and ideological
streams across the world including India. India was at
the forefront in condemning racial discrimination
particularly apartheid and also the influence of super
power(s) on the internal affairs of independent
nations. Her commitment to secure its citizens freedom,
justice, equality and fraternity is reflected in the
very preamble of the Indian Constitution.
Towards achieving these challenging
goals, special provisions have also been made in the
Constitution to protect and promote the interests of
the most oppressed section of Indian society -
traditionally known as Untouchables and
Constitutionally as the Scheduled Castes.
These provisions are expected to alter
the given unjust distribution of power (political and
economic) and status (social) among different sections
of people and thereby transform India into an
egalitarian society. Given India's unequivocal
commitment to secure its citizens particularly the most
exploited and pilloried section of India these noble
ideals, we shall attempt here to understand Indian
villages, which host over 80 per cent of the Indian
population, from the point of view of whether or not
these villages patronise the institution of caste which
is in contravention of these ideals or are these little
republics ideal for realising the said goals and thus
to be preserved as they are as claimed by many social
reformers including Mahatma Gandhi.
In the process, we shall also address
the question of how caste has remained unchanged, how
it controls social interaction between higher and lower
caste groups and accordingly perpetuates unequal
control over power and status. And most importantly we
shall also understand whether all the Scheduled Castes
(lower castes) treat their members as equals or there
is hierarchy, discrimination and practice of
untouchability even among them.
Methodology
For better understanding on the issue
of caste and its repercussions, we shall look into a
few Indian villages in States like Tamil Nadu - one of
the southern States of India known for protest against
caste system and supremacy of the Brahmins (highest
caste).
The present paper is based on the
qualitative and quantitative data collected from two
villages: Akramesi and Keelaparthibanur located in
Paramakudi taluk, Ramanathapuram district of southern
Tamil Nadu.
If the taluk town Paramakudi is
considered the central reference point, Akramesi
village falls on the north-east side with a distance of
21 km and Keelaparthibanur on the north-west side with
the distance of 16.9 km. Akramesi village is
predominantly inhabited by the middle or dominant
castes (caste Hindus) and the Scheduled Castes over
there were not only numerically in minority but also
dependent on the former both for their livelihood and
physical security. This village is surrounded by many
villages with caste Hindus' dominance.
In contrast, the Keelaparthibanur
village is predominantly inhabited by the Scheduled
Castes particularly the Pallar Caste - the high caste
among the Scheduled Castes - and they are also
economically independent. The caste Hindus here are
relatively less in number. This village is surrounded
by villages with similar characteristics. The choice on
these two villages is to understand whether or not
higher numerical strength and better economic status of
the scheduled castes protect their self-respect and
dignity and also protect them from atrocities.
The details presented in this paper are
based on the data collected and observations made by
the researcher during November 1989 to April 1998. The
respondents were the randomly chosen 50 members
belonging to Pallar castes and a few purposively
selected leaders of Pallar and high caste from the two
villages.
Caste in Tamil Nadu
Though Tamil Nadu has 21 districts
(1991 census), we may focus only on one district where
inter-caste violence has been a common phenomenon.
Ramanathapuram district - one of the
southern districts of Tamil Nadu - is one of such kind.
Castes found in Tamil Nadu in general and
Ramanathapuram district in particular may broadly be
grouped into three categories: Brahmins, non-Brahmins
and the Scheduled Castes. While the Brahmins are
considered the highest in the caste hierarchy, the
non-Brahmin castes are considered the middle level
castes.
The more visible middle level castes
include the land owning castes such as Vellalar,
Ahamudayar (Servai), Maravar (Thevar), Kallar, Konar
(Yadavar) and the Telegu speaking Naidus; trading
castes such as Chettiyar, artisan castes like Kusavar
or Kuyavan (Potter), Kotthan (mason), Thachan
(carpenter), Kollan (blacksmith), Thattans or Nahai
Aasari (goldsmith); and the servicing castes such as
Ambattan (barbers) and Vannan (washermen). The more
visible castes among the Scheduled Castes in
Ramanathapuram district are the Pallars, Parayars and
Chakkiliyars.
While most of the Brahmins strictly
observe vegetarianism, most of the middle level castes
except the Vellalar and to some extent the Chettiyar do
not adhere to such restrictions. It may be noted that
adhering to vegetarianism is one of the ways by which
one asserts his/her superior position in the caste
order. Among the meat eating Hindus, the beef eaters
are considered to be inferior to mutton eaters and even
to pig eaters. Even today these middle level castes
maintain, not fully in urban areas, complete distance
from the Scheduled Castes. Of these middle level
castes, a few such as Ahamudyar, Maravar and Kallar
together known as Mukkulathor (three castes) are
relatively more visible particularly in Ramanathapuram
district as they are not only owners of cultivable
land, large in number and more assertive but also known
for committing atrocities on the Scheduled Castes.
The relationship between the higher
castes and the lower ones has always been very hostile
and in such relationship the losers are often those at
the bottom of the caste ladder and the gainers are
those above due to, as stated before, unjust and
unequal distribution of power and status. Any attempt
on the part of the lower ones to alter the given power
positions is met with dire consequences.
These include the murder of a
Scheduled Caste leader Shri Thiyahi Imanual at
Paramakkudi town and 42 Scheduled Caste persons at
Mudukulathur in Ramanathapuram district in 1957, of
44 Scheduled Castes at Keelavenmani in Tanjaur
district in 1968, 5 at Unjanai in Pasumpon Muthuramalingam district in
1979 and 16 at Vilupuram in Chengalpat district in
1983. Besides, there were a number of murders of the
Scheduled Castes at Kudaloore and Vilupuram in
Chengalpat district in 1987 and at Podi in Madurai
district in 1988. In 1992 two more persons were
killed at Paramakkudi in Ramanathapuram district
2.
The higher lower caste and higher
castes: Pallars
To understand the coercive nature of
the caste system and the kind of caste discrimination
faced by the lower castes, we shall focus on the Pallar
caste. The Pallar caste is considered to be the highest
caste among the lower or the Scheduled Castes and lower
caste among the higher castes or the caste Hindus in
Tamil Nadu. The Pallars (people belonging to the Pallar
caste) constitute the largest among the 76 Scheduled
Castes of Tamil Nadu. According to 1981 census, out of
the total Schedule Caste population excluding the Adi
Dravida - a category consisting of number of Schedule
Castes - the Pallars constituted the maximum with 27.60
per cent followed by the Paryar with 22.96 per cent,
the Chakkiliyar with 14.29 per cent and the
Arunthathiyar with 11.81 per cent. A majority of
Pallars (33.4%) reside in Thanjavur district followed
by Madurai (21.2%) and Ramanathapuram (about 3%)
districts. Puthira Vannan Caste is considered to be the
most polluting caste among the Scheduled Castes as for
generations they have been washing clothes of other
Scheduled Castes.
Genesis of Pallars
The Pallar caste is said to be the
ancient community of Tamil Nadu. The people of this
caste are considered to be the great cultivators
especially of wet land of Tamil country. The term
Pallar seems to have been derived from the word Pallam,
meaning a pit or low-lying region. Since wet land is
usually found in low lying area and the Pallars were
often engaged in cultivation of such land, they came to
be known as Pallam and latter as Pallan and Pallar.
It is argued with sufficient support of
literature that the Pallars of today were actually
known as Mallar belonging to the Dravidian race about
2300 years back and were the rulers of Tamil country
during the 14th - 15th centuries. It is also asserted
that they are the descendants of Pallavas who were
ruling the Andhra and Tamil countries once. Since they
were known for charity, heading and presiding village
panchayat meetings and being kind, they were referred
to as Velalar; and for their ability to control flood,
they were kudumban. Putting all these qualities
together, the Mallar (Pallar) call themselves Devendra
Kula Velalar. There are over 84 branches among Pallars.
The Mallar were called Pallar only after 15th century
by more powerful tribes from other parts of South India
with a view to degrading their social status.3
Caste relation among Pallars and those
above
Perhaps due to their glorious past and
their origin as rulers, the Pallars have been militant
in opposing discrimination of every kind. Though the
Brahmins and a few upper level middle castes such as
the Vellalars and Chettiyars treat the Pallars as
untouchables, the latter do not consider them as their
opponents or direct enemies. For them the real
opponents are a few middle level dominant castes such
as the Ahamudayar, Maravar and Kallar who indulge in
open violence against them. This is evident from the
fact that throughout Tamil Nadu most of the incidence
of violence against Pallars have been perpetrated by
these castes only.
Talking to a Pallar man of Nedumbuli
village near Paramakkudi town in the State of Tamil
Nadu, it was found that the caste Hindus like the
Maravar did not allow the Scheduled Caste women
including the Pallar women to wear blouses but only
sari to cover their breasts. By this covert means the
caste Hindus compelled the Scheduled Caste women to
expose their breast to their lust. As this practice was
in use for a long time, the Scheduled Caste women did
not even develop the habit of wearing blouses. This
continued till early 1950s particularly in villages
like Nilayambudi village near Paramakudi. Even at the
time of this study we found many elderly women not
wearing blouses and covering themselves only with
sari.
Untouchability in
villages
We shall now focus on the magnitude of
caste discrimination and untouchability as experienced
by the Scheduled Castes in general and the Pallar caste
people in particular residing in the two villages:
Akramesi and Keelaparthibanur. As stated earlier,
Akramesi is one of the villages where the middle level
castes (caste Hindus) were large in number and their
domination over the Scheduled Castes in general and
Pallar in particular was very much prevalent even
during this study (November 89 to April 98). Out of 696
households in this village, the Scheduled Castes
consisting of the Pallars, Parayars and Chakkiliyars
accounted only for 25 households and the rest belonged
to the caste Hindus, of whom Marvar caste alone
accounted for as many as 500 households. There is not
even a single village around Akramesi in about 15 km
radius with high concentration of Pallars or other
Scheduled Castes.
It is surprising to note that many of
the observations made as early as 1952 regarding the
nature and magnitude of untouchability practised in
villages 4 were found
to be true even at the time of present study. Both
economic and political powers were intact in the hands
of Maravars and Ahamudayars - the two middle level
dominant castes.
All the Scheduled Castes including
Pallars did not have land of their own and depended on
the former both for their livelihood and physical
security. Education for the Scheduled Caste children
was generally discouraged. At the time of this study,
only one Pallar had studied up to standard XI. Despite
having a driving-licence, he had to remain jobless.
Whenever he applied for a job or for a loan from the
government, the caste Hindus with their easy access to
all the officials right from the village panchayat to
panchayat union, Tahsildar office and post office did
every thing possible to disqualify him for the job and
retained him in the village itself.
None of the Scheduled Castes were
allowed even to walk through the residential area or
through the village's main street running through the
residential areas of the dominant castes. They had to
walk a long way along the periphery of the village to
reach their huts. They were not allowed to enter any of
the village temples visited by the caste Hindus and had
no right to perform any rituals even outside the
premises of such temples. The Pallars had a separate
temple (but open to all castes) called Maravar Mahan,
meaning son of Maravar (the dominant caste).
The name of this temple itself
indicates that the caste Hindus were equal to a god and
the Scheduled Castes had to respect and worship them.
The Pallars had to address the caste Hindus only as
sami (God), whereas even a ten year old caste Hindu boy
addressed the Pallar man of 80 year old by his name or
even by his caste in a derogatory manner because of his
superior caste status. This is also true in the case of
using the community well meant for all castes.
The Pallars were prohibited from
fetching water from this well on the pretext that their
vessels and buckets would pollute the water by their
touch. The pond used by the caste Hindus for bathing
was not even to be approached by the Scheduled Castes.
Each Scheduled Caste had its own burial ground located
far away from that of the caste Hindus and they were
not allowed to take funeral processions through the
main street of the village.
At tea stalls owned by the caste
Hindus, the Pallars were provided with tea or water in
separate glasses locally known as vattai. Any Scheduled
Caste person intending to have tea at such tea stalls
was expected to pick-up the vattai kept separately for
them at one corner of the stall and show it to the
person preparing tea, who would then pour it into the
vattai from a distance. They were also expected to wash
the vattai on their own and leave it where it was
picked up from.
While the Pallars were to sit on the
ground - many a times out side the stall - the caste
Hindus were served tea on benches inside the tea
stall. The Pallars were also prohibited from riding
bicycle. They were expected to place their towel in
their armpit while addressing the caste Hindus and
not on their shoulder, the usual practice. The dhoti
(white cloth with a thin coloured border) they wore
was supposed to cover their legs only upto the knee
and not their legs completely as it would cause an
insult to their high caste Hindus. These restrictions
were applicable not only to the Pallars and other
Scheduled Castes of this village but also to all the
Scheduled Castes visiting this village.
Besides, the Pallars were expected to
do all manual works outside the premises of the caste
Hindus' houses both during auspicious and inauspicious
occasions. In return they used to get either a meagre
amount of wage or a meal. They were generally expected
to carry the food to their home or they had to eat at
the backyard of the house only when the entire function
was over. Sometimes, they were given nothing for their
services. Those trying to question the caste Hindus and
disobey their demands were met with dire
consequences.
The common punishment for such
disobedience was nothing less than tying the person to
a street lamp post or a tree situated within the
village premise and beating him in public till he
collapsed. One of the respondents (a youth of 14 years
old) told that a few years ago his elder sister was
raped in a broad daylight at his hut in front of many
fellow Scheduled Castes for informing the Collector of
Ramanathapuram district about the practice of the caste
discrimination in his village.
Despite the fact that this youth was
one of the active communist party members in the
village and has also sought the help of a local
communist party leader, he did not get any help from
the comrade since the leader was a caste Hindu and his
loyalty was more towards his fellow caste men than
towards the proletariat which is what emphasised in the
party ideology. The police station situated in a small
town about 5 km away from this village was of no use
for the Scheduled Castes as none in the police station
paid any heed to the heinous crimes committed against
them. The Pallars from nearby villages, being
numerically in the minority and living in a similar
situation, never dared to come to their rescue.
When the researcher interviewed the
Akramesi's Village Kanakku Pillai (Village
Administrative Officer or the person in charge of
maintaining all village records) and enquired about the
practice of untouchability in the village, he was told
to his surprise that the Scheduled Castes did not have
any such problems, and there had been a very cordial
relationship between them and the caste Hindus.
He was also told by the Village
Administrative Officer not to go to the village
personally for such information as he could provide
every information about the village and the condition
of Scheduled Castes over there. When the researcher
insisted that there were problems between the Scheduled
Castes and caste Hindus and hence he would like to
visit the village personally to take stock of the
situation, the Village Administrative Officer
sarcastically said, "you go there, you will get
'everything' from the caste Hindus". What he meant was
that the researcher would be beaten up by the caste
Hindus if he insisted on knowing the practice of
untouchability over there.
On the whole, the Scheduled Castes
including Pallars in this village had to lead a very
inhuman life. There seemed no commitment and genuine
efforts on the part of the government officials to
ensure the physical security and enhance the economic
status of the Scheduled Castes therein. While this was
the condition of the Pallars in general, the condition
of the Parayars and Chakkiliyars was still worse. The
Pallars treated the Parayars as untouchables and so
were the Parayars towards the Chakkiliyars. Social
interaction among these castes was very limited.
Inter-dinning and inter-caste marriages between them
were also prohibited.
What is important at this juncture is
to find out why the magnitude of caste discrimination
faced by the Pallars has been very high in this
village. Based on certain observations and information
collected from the respondents and village leaders, the
major reasons for the same are:
a) not only within Akramesi village,
are the non-Brahmin dominant middle castes
numerically dominant but the village is also
surrounded by these caste people and the Scheduled
Castes are very few in number and also economically
dependent on these dominant castes;
b) the Pallars of Akramesi village
are economically dependent on the dominant castes in
and around the village;
c) the police station located at
about 2 km away from this village is of no use to the
Pallars and other Scheduled Castes as it is dominated
by the non-Scheduled Castes who are often against
their interest. And they get no support from their
fellow caste people from nearby villages; and
d) none has completed even school
education in this village and most of them have
remained ignorant of their rights and privileges.
In contrast, in Keelaparthibanur
village the Scheduled Caste population particularly of
Pallar caste is large in number and they stand much
ahead in every respect. The caste Hindus here could not
discriminate the Pallars in any form. Unlike Akramesi
village, Keelaparthibanur is divided into two
hamlets.
The Pallars reside on the southern side
in one hamlet locally known as Keelavadakur and the
caste Hindus in another hamlet known as Melavadakur
located a furlong away on the northern side. At the
time of this study, the Pallars were more in numbers
with 130 houses against only 92 houses of the caste
Hindus. Most of the Pallars were land owners and some
worked as share croppers on the land of Vellalars in
the same village and also in the Parthibanur town
located just two km away. Some of them worked merely as
agricultural labourers.
Though there was no Brahmin in this
village, the Pallars often happened to go near the
Brahmins when they visited other villages and the
nearby town. It was found that prior to Independence,
the Pallars were never allowed to enter the residential
areas of the caste Hindus particularly of the Brahmins.
Whenever a Brahmin came out of his house, no Scheduled
Caste person was expected to come in his vicinity as it
would pollute his sanctity and if it happened by
mistake, he would go back home cursing the latter. He
would come out once again only after taking a bath and
making sure that no such thing would be repeated.
However, as a mark of protest a few
Pallars of this village deliberately used to appear
before the Brahmin again and again. By doing so the
Pallars forced the Brahmin to get back home once again
to take a bath drawing water from deep well. From 1960
onwards, most of the Brahmins left the villages selling
off their land and other properties and settled in
nearby towns. They did so not only because their
services in villages were no more considered essential
but also because of the necessity that stemmed from
their educational achievement and employment prospects
in towns.
Though the Pallars interacted with and
had access to the residential areas of the Vellalars
who are next to the Brahmins in the caste hierarchy,
the former were denied entry into the houses of the
latter. They had to wait at the thinnai (corridor) of
the Vellalar houses. The Vellalars did not accept even
water from the Pallars. However, the Pallars did not
protest much against these kind of discriminatory
practices on the pretext that the Vellalars had
extended financial help to them whenever needed. Yet,
their younger generation did protest against Vellalars
by requesting their parents not to have any relation
with them and cultivate their lands any longer.
Though there was no Chettiyar caste
(goldsmith) in this village, even in the 1 950s the
Pallars interacted closely with these people living in
the nearby towns like Parthibanur, Paramakkudi and
Manamadurai in the process of buying and mortgaging
gold ornaments. The Chettiyars did not overtly prevent
the Pallars from entering their shops as they were
looking for customers to enrich their business and,
hence, entertained both the caste Hindus and the
Scheduled Castes. Since their shops were located only
in town, there was no opportunity and also no need for
the Pallars to visit their residential areas. The
Thachchans (carpenters) from other villages had no
problem in extending their services to the Pallars of
this village to earn their livelihood. But they would
not accept water from their houses. They preferred
water fetched directly from the well in a vaali (a
metal bucket). Many a times they brought their food
with them but sometimes they cooked food then and
there, accepting uncooked rice and fresh vegetables
from the Pallars.
About 25 years ago, the Pallars had
faced yet another problem. Till late 1960s the services
of the Ambattan (barber) and Vannan (washermen) -
considered to be above the Pallars in the caste
hierarchy - were not available to them both within the
village and in the nearby towns. The two castes
extended their services only to the caste Hindus.
Pallars, therefore, had to depend on the Chakkiliyars
for hair-cutting and the Puthiravannans or
Puthiravannars for washing their cloths. The Ambattans
and Vannans refused to entertain the Pallars and other
Scheduled Castes in their work place (service
centres/shops) with a fear of loosing customers from
the caste Hindus and their higher status in the caste
hierarchy.
However, the situation started changing
since early 1960 onwards when the Pallars started
asserting their rights and protesting against such
practices. The Ambattans and Vannars could not resist
this pressure from the Pallar youth who had been to
colleges and also worked as government officials, a few
of them as engineers and doctors. The caste Hindus also
could not do much in this regard. These services were
then extended to all castes. Presently, the Pallars do
not consider in any way the Ambattans and Vannans as
their superior, and for all practical reasons they do
not interact much with one another except in the
hair-cutting and laundry shops.
The Pallars of Keelaparthibanur village
consider the Maravars and Ahamudayars their real
opponents as stated earlier. They think that they are
in no way inferior to the latter. The Pallars in this
village are more advanced in terms of their educational
and economic status. They also do not depend on these
castes for their livelihood. They fierce fully resist
and retaliate whenever the caste Hindus demonstrate
their caste superiority in any manner. About 15 years
ago, Maravars discriminated the Pallars in every
possible way and the latter had to adhere to all such
unjust practices. However, over a period of time they
began to protest in overt and covert forms. Most of
such incidents culminated in the form of a major caste
violence between the two castes although none of them
could claim a total victory over the other.
Further, prior to 1975 the Pallars did
not have access to take a bath in the common pond
located at the Melavadakur. But they fought against the
caste Hindus and took up the matter with the police.
Despite stiff protest by the caste Hindus, the Pallars
succeeded in getting access to the pond. Moreover, in
the late 1 970s Mr. K. Ukkirapandyan - one of the
Pallars from this village - got elected to the State
Legislature from the Paramakkudi reserved
Constituency.
In the late 1980s, the President for
the Keelaparthibanur panchayat union was Mr. S.
Malaichamy, a Pallar from this village. Besides, this
village also had one Mr. A.K. Karupaiah whom most of
the Pallars of this and nearby villages turned to for
help whenever there was caste conflicts and threat from
the caste Hindus. Karupaiah could take up caste issues
boldly since he enjoyed the support of a few leaders of
the Congress (I) Party. The caste Hindus then had no
courage to discriminate against them overtly. Whenever
they attempted to do so, they were not spared.
However, both the caste groups soon
reconciled their enmities towards each other and began
to interact cordially. Although within the village the
Pallars supported various political parties, they got
united whenever the status and power of their caste was
threatened by the caste Hindus. For all practical
reasons, both the Pallars and the caste Hindus tried to
maintain a cordial relationship towards each other. A
few caste Hindu leaders did eat with the Pallars during
the weddings of latter to demonstrate their 'unbiased'
attitude towards them and to ensure their votes but, in
general, inter-dinning and inter-caste marriages
between them are never tolerated.
It may be noted that though the Pallars
were primarily engaged in agriculture, in a few
villages like Kalaiyur, located on the southern side of
Paramakudi town at a distance of 9.4 km, one or two
very elderly and economically poor Pallars had been
doing, for decades together, the job of digging burial
ground. When asked "why" they said, "we do this work
for the caste Hindus not out of fear or caste
inferiority but as we do not want to displease them.
After all, they have helped us financially at times of
crisis". Moreover, doing such a job ensures them a
handsome amount of Rs. 20/- to Rs.35/-. Elsewhere, the
Pallars do not consider such work demeaning and perform
without any inhibition 5.
The above narration of the nature and
magnitude of caste discrimination experienced by
Pallars in both types of villages has brought to light
a few important points. Though in most of the villages
the Scheduled Castes are spread in small numbers, there
are villages exclusively made up of Pallars. Most of
the Pallars own land but their socio-economic status is
not the same in all villages.
While there are villages like Akramesi
where most of the Pallars were illiterates, do not own
even a half acre of land and depend totally on the
caste Hindus for everything, there are villages like
Keelaparthibanur where most of the Pallars own land (a
few of them own more than 10 acres of wet land),
comparatively more of them are literate and have also
achieved political power.
And caste Hindus can never look down
upon them. But in villages of the former type, they are
humiliated in all possible ways and yet they can never
raise finger against the caste Hindus. It may,
therefore, be hypothesised that in villages where
Pallars are in the majority, most of them are also
educationally advanced, economically independent to a
great extent, politically conscious, well mobilised and
powerful enough to fight against the caste Hindus
perpetrating atrocities on them. The situation is just
the opposite in villages where they are in the
minority. To test this hypothesis, we need to look into
a greater number of such villages which is not the
purpose of this paper.
Untouchability among Scheduled
Castes
Another aspect of this paper is to
bring to light whether or not there is hierarchy among
the Scheduled Castes and if so the nature of caste
discrimination and untouchability suffered by those at
the lower levels of caste order. As stated earlier in
Ramanathapuram district, the more visible castes among
the Scheduled Castes are Pallars, Parayars and
Chakkiliyars. Evidence discerned from the thirteenth
century Tamil inscriptions indicate that the Parayas or
Parayars were closer to the bottom in the caste
hierarchy and were engaged in diverse fields of
activities.
The term parayan is derived from the
Tamil word parai (drum) as certain Parayars act as
drummers at funerals and village festivals 6. They are also engaged in
cultivation, grass cutting and weaving. The fifteenth
century literatures indicate that the Parayars were
also engaged in tanning and skinning leather which in
the view of classical or Brahmanical Hinduism is
considered to be defiling and polluting 7. During the eighteenth century
they also worked as tank-diggers, construction workers,
servants, transport workers and a few as soldiers in
armies. This period has been described as the 'golden
age for Paraiahs' 8.
The Parayars worship the common Grama Devta (village
deity) such as Ellamma, Mungilamma, Padaiyattal or
Pidariyamma 9.
Although in the southern part of Tamil
Nadu the Parayars are considered below the Pallars in
the caste hierarchy, in the northern part particularly
in Thanjavur district the Parayars do not acknowledge
the latter's supremacy over them. Whatever be the
history of the Parayars, in Ramanathapuram district
most of them are, in the present days, merely landless
labourers. Compared to the Pallars, they are still
fewer in number in most of the villages of this
district.
For earning their livelihood, they
continue to do their job of playing drums on both
auspicious and inauspicious occasions of the caste
Hindus and Pallars as well. They also earn their
livelihood by making and selling certain palm leaf
household items. Though in the past they seemed to have
engaged in diverse fields of activities which had no
social stigma, their association with leather works and
drum beating, and their habit of eating beef seemed to
have had a greater impact in pushing them down the
ladder of caste.
The Pallars in most of the villages of
this district consider themselves to be above the
Parayars in their social status and also treat them as
untouchables. They allege that the Parayars side with
the caste Hindus during caste clashes and, hence, even
label them as betrayers. They use the Parayars as
symbol of abuses although the only major difference
between them and the Parayars is that the former
refrain from eating beef while the latter relish
it.
Falling next to the Parayars in the
caste hierarchy are the Chakkiliyars. They form an
appreciable number in the district. Though no
literature seems to be available to indicate their
historical origin, it is maintained that they might be
immigrants from the Telugu or Kanarese districts. Their
gods include Madurai Veeran, Mariamma, Muneeswara,
Draupathi and Gangamma. By taking into account the kind
of caste status they have been ascribed to and the life
style they have been leading for the last several
decades, it may be said that the Chakkiliyars are even
below the Parayars in the caste hierarchy. It is
believed that they originally held a high position in
the caste hierarchy but were latter degraded10.
Their traditional occupations are
sweeping, scavenging and removing the dead animals,
tanning and making foot wear. They also play drums and
a wind instrument which looks similar to shenoy - a
famous north Indian musical instrument and is usually
played by higher caste people for auspicious occasions.
In some villages, Pallars prefer the Chakkiliyars
instead of the Parayars to play drums on the occasion
of their Kula Deivam (clan God) festival although they
do not allow the latter inside their temple. However,
the Parayars' interaction with Pallars is very
limited.
The Chakkiliyars sweep the streets of
the Pallars and, in turn, get food from them. They take
away the dead cows, bulls and other cattle of Pallars,
remove their skin for making drums and consume their
meat. They relish beef and pork. All these activities
and habits are considered by the upper castes and the
Pallars to be dirty, defiling and polluting. Hence, the
Chakkiliyars are looked down upon. They have not
challenged so far the caste supremacy of the Pallars
over them in any way. In general, the inter-dinning and
inter-caste marriages between them and the Pallars are
prohibited although the intensity with which these
restrictions are observed varies from place to
place.
The Kuravan or Kuravar caste is found
to be on par with or slightly above the Chakkiliyars in
the caste hierarchy. Kuravars form the sixth largest
Scheduled Caste population both in Tamil Nadu and in
Ramanathapuram district. They make certain household
items out of bamboos and palm leafs and sell them to
earn their living. They hunt birds and rear country
pigs (black pigs) both for their consumption and sale.
They also hunt cats from the village side for
consumption. Some of them work as fortune-tellers.
Since they use the trained Kili (parrot) to predict the
fortune of the people, they are also known as kili
josiyars. However, they do not go to any other castes
asking for food. They are also not required to perform
any inauspicious tasks and rituals for other Scheduled
Castes. The Pallars consider them as lower caste
although they have no means to demonstrate their caste
supremacy over them.
The people of Puthiravannan caste are
traditionally the washer-man for the Pallars. They
collect the Pallars' used clothes and get them washed;
some time they also get the washed clothes ironed. For
this service, they are entitled to collect food from
the Pallar families. At the end of the year they are
also given four to six marakkaal (a cylinder shaped
metal container used for measuring the quantity of food
grains) of paddy (each marakkaal would contain about
four and a half kilograms of paddy). Besides, whenever
a Pallar girl attains puberty, the women folk of
Puthiravannan family take possession of the used
clothes. They wash these clothes and use them.
Similarly, the man who performs inauspicious rituals on
the occasion of death of a Pallar is entitled to some
money (usually ranging from Rs.2/- to Rs. 15/-). Also,
he takes away the new dhoti (the white cloth specially
designed for man to wear below the waist) tied soon
after giving bath to the dead body and covers it with
another new dhoti given to him by the close relative of
the deceased person. If the deceased person happens to
be a woman, bathing and changing of the dress is done
by the Puthiravannan women. However, the rituals are
usually performed by their men.
How Pallars Remain Superior to Other
Scheduled Castes
Though like the Parayars, Chakkiliyars
and other Scheduled Castes, the Pallars have also been
segregated from the main village habitats, they enjoy a
superior status among the Scheduled Castes. It is,
therefore, important to understand the socio-cultural
and economic reasons which keep them superior among the
Scheduled Castes particularly in Ramanathapuram
district. A number of studies11 have indicated about the prevalence of
caste discrimination among the Scheduled Castes
themselves. However, these studies have not looked in
detail at the reasons behind such discrimination.
The Pallars have a few traditions which
make them different from and also superior to other
Scheduled Castes. Compared to Parayars, they are more
aggressive, socially and politically conscious, more
militant and better organised. This difference is also
mythologically expressed since the Parayars claim a
Brahman ancestry, while the Pallars are closer to a
fierce and warlike middle level castes like the Kallar
caste and associate themselves with a more martial
tradition12.
In recent years, the militant Pallars
claim their descent from the God Indira. Secondly,
while the Parayars prefer to call themselves Harijans,
the Pallars tend to refer to themselves by their caste
name so that they are not amalgamated with other lower
castes. Besides, the very name 'Pallar' is not as
shameful as other untouchable caste and it is not
associated with any defiling occupations.
Though the Parayars are involved in
diverse fields of activities, they continue to be
associated with certain occupations like drum beating.
Similarly, the main traditional occupations of the
Kuravars are such as rearing pigs, hunting cats and
birds, and also fortune-telling. All these occupations
are considered to be degrading, defiling, and polluting
except agriculture and allied activities in which
primarily the Pallars are engaged13. That is why, the Pallars have been
defined as a class of agricultural labourers14. Accordingly, the Pallars
are held high in the Scheduled Castes hierarchy but all
other Scheduled Castes are looked down upon by them.
Moreover, they have the history of being the rulers of
Tamil country during 14th - 15th centuries.
The Pallars maintain their caste
superiority also by means of not eating beef which the
other Scheduled Castes do. They do so for two reasons:
first, like the caste Hindus they consider beef eating
as taboo and sin, and feel that eating beef is below
their social status. Second, since the main occupation
of most of the Pallars is agriculture and allied
activities, they depend completely on the cows and
bullocks for ploughing their lands and for transporting
their goods.
As stated earlier, these animals are
indeed part and parcel of their social and economic
life and, therefore, they have a sentimental attachment
and sympathetic attitude towards them and thus refrain
from eating the meat of these animals. It may, however,
be noted that some of the educated Pallars who are used
to metropolitan life style have adopted the habit of
beef eating and have also developed better and friendly
relations with other Scheduled Castes. But they are
discouraged from eating beef when they get back to
their village. In general, the Pallars particularly in
Paramakkudi taluk of Ramanathapuram district are also
not fond of eating pork which the Parayars and other
Scheduled Castes do. A few elderly ones eating pork are
ridiculed in public by Pallars themselves calling them,
Kattak kaalu, meaning short leg or pig. A few Pallars
who reared pigs were indeed laughed at by others and as
a result they had to give up pig rearing.
The Pallars are considered to be
superior to the Chakkiliyars and Puthiravannar also
because of certain give-and-take relationships
prevailing among them. For instance, those Chakkiliyars
and the Puthiravannars staying at the village itself
collect food from the Pallars once or twice on almost
all days they work. The Chakkiliyars and Puthiravannars
come over there on both auspicious and inauspicious
occasions with bigger containers to collect the
left-over food. Moreover, the Puthiravannans are
entitled to collect every year about six marakkal of
paddy from every Pallar's family. They also serve as
messenger for the Pallars particularly for passing on
to other villages the inauspicious information such as
death. On such visits most of the times they are fed by
the Pallars receiving the message and in some cases
they also get a small quantity of food grains like
paddy and raggi.
The Pallars give them water or food not
in their own glasses or plates but in padi (a small
size marakkal) and that too in the thinnai (corridor).
They in principle discourage the Parayars, Chakkiliyars
and Puthiravannar from wearing sandals within their
villages. Unlike other Scheduled Castes, the Pallars
depend neither on the caste Hindus or nor on the other
Scheduled Castes for their living. After all, ritual
status alone cannot keep a particular caste in a
particular position in the caste hierarchy. A strong
economic base is equally important15. It may however be noted that such
discriminatory practices among the Schedules Castes are
not common in all the villages. They are more in
villages like Akramesi and less in villages like
Keelaparthibannur.
The Changing Scenario
Though the above mentioned observations
are applicable to the Pallars in general and the
studied villages in particular, there has been a
considerable decline in the last two decades in the
rigidity with which these restrictions are observed and
adhered to particularly in villages with high
concentration of their population. For instance, in
Keelaparthibanur village the Pallars have become
relatively liberal in their interaction and social
relations with the other Scheduled Castes.
Now, the Parayars and Chakkiliyars -
considered to be lower to the Pallar caste - do wear
sandals while they are in the residential areas of the
Pallars. With the initiatives of some of the liberal
minded educated Pallar youth, the other Scheduled
Castes do participate even in auspicious occasions of
the Pallars such as wedding. Here, it is important to
note that in the Parthibanur town no caste Hindu
visited the saloon run by a Chakkiliyar as it was
opened for the Pallars who had no access to the
Ambattan's saloons which were meant only for the caste
Hindus. With their newly achieved education and
government employment, most of the Pallars preferred
entry to the Ambattan's saloons causing closer of the
Chakkiliyar's saloon.
Usually, both Puthiravannars and
Chakkiliyars are not allowed to eat along with the
Pallars. They eat only when all the guests have had
their meals. Though in both types of villages
participation of the other Scheduled Castes in the
Pallars' auspicious occasions is restricted, this has
been relaxed in the recent years especially in villages
like Keelaparthibanur. With the initiatives of the
young educated Pallars, the other Scheduled Castes are
now allowed to dine with the Pallars on all occasions.
In a few Pallar houses they are also served food in the
plates used often by the younger members of the
family.
Moreover, the educated young Pallar
boys and girls from villages with high concentration of
their caste invite their upper caste school and college
mates to their home on important occasions. Knowing
well that their parents would ask about the caste
background of their friends, the host Pallar students
generally conceal the caste background particularly of
their lower caste friends. They do so fearing that
their parents would insult their lower caste friends in
some way or the other. In general, the young educated
Pallars from such villages do not expect the other
Scheduled Castes to adhere to the old customs and
practices and remain subservient to them for ever. This
of course is a rare practice and very often the elderly
ones in the family express their unhappiness over it.
But such interaction can never happen in villages with
less concentration of Pallars. In fact, in such
villages when the Pallars' expected demands are not met
and restrictions are violated by the other Scheduled
Castes, the former punish them with the support of the
caste Hindus there.
Separate Villages
The experiences of Pallar caste people
in the two villages - one having high and another
having a lower concentration of the Scheduled Caste
population - clearly endorses What Dr. B.R. Ambedkar
said once. He said that in India each village is a
"place of contest between the Hindus who are
economically and socially strong and the untouchables
who are economically poor and numerically
small"16. He further
says that in this contest the Untouchables are always
at bay specially for two reasons.
Firstly, they and the caste Hindus are
unequally matched as far as their numerical strength is
concerned; they are scattered into a few families in
each village all over India. Secondly, they are a
disunited body infested with the caste system in which
they believe as much as do the caste Hindus. This has
given rise to mutual rivalry and jealousy and made
common action impossible17. And therefore he suggested:
"It is the system of village plus the
Ghetto which perpetuates untouchability and the
untouchables therefore demand that the nexus should be
broken and the untouchables who are as a matter of fact
socially separate should be settled into separate
villages exclusively of untouchables in which the
distinction of the high and the low and of touchable
and untouchable will find no place"18.
This important suggestion of Dr.
Ambedkar has deliberately been ignored by the
responsible citizens of India so far. More often than
not precisely for this reason atrocities on the
Scheduled Castes are in the rise and the Indian
villages continue to remain a domain of injustice,
oppression and exploitation and have never been little
republics as claimed in the past. At this juncture what
Andre Beteille has said is worth noting:
" -- in India everyday social life is
still governed substantially by the hierarchical
attitude and sentiments carried over from the past.
The awe for those who are superior by birth or social
position (higher caste) and the contempt towards
social inferiors (lower castes) are equally wide
spread in the rural and urban areas and among the
educated and the uneducated".19
Reflecting on his latest film Samar
(conflict), a rich, multi-faceted exploration of caste
system, the noted Indian film director Shyam Benegal
endorses it by saying that India lives in so many
centuries at the same time. He further says, "we don't
even realise how deep-rooted our caste prejudice are.
We respond to a person's caste, rather than his
humanity20. This
indeed reiterates the fact what Dr. Ambedkar once
articulated:
No civilised society of today presents
more survivals of primitive times than does the Indian
society. Its religion (caste as well) is essentially
primitive and its tribal code, in spite of the advance
of time and civilization, operates in all its pristine
vigour even today21.
Conclusion:
Though India is legally bound to make
justice, freedom, equality and fraternity a reality,
the foregoing discussion clearly brings to light that
in Indian villages the concept of freedom articulated
by the Indian freedom fighters and that enshrined
in
the Indian Constitution seems meaningless for the
Scheduled Castes. It is so viewed in the light of
continuing practice of untouchability and increasing
number of atrocities on them in villages and the fact
that they still remain the much exploited section of
Indian society despite number of protective and
development measures to safeguard their interests. What
is happening in many Indian villages is in fact inhuman
and unjust.
The efforts of Government through the
Reservation Policy and protective measures to educate,
provide employment, empower the Scheduled Castes
politically and provide an opportunity to voice their
grievances in State Legislature and Parliament and also
to protect them from all kinds of injustice and
exploitation have not yielded the desired results. Why?
It is primarily because the executives of these
measures do not favour them as these would not only
dilute the power and status of the upper caste but also
raise scope for those deprived to enhance their power
and status position.
This in turn would ultimately challenge
the supremacy of the upper caste. It is also due to the
fact that the number of those controlling bureaucracy
and those enjoying political power are greater among
the higher caste Hindus compared to the Scheduled Caste
people. This number has to be reversed at least for
some decades if at all we want a balanced power
positions between the oppressing and oppressed caste
groups. But as long as the present village setup - with
the caste Hindus having a complete control over the
Scheduled Castes - continues, this change can never
happen.
What is most important of all is
reconsidering the suggestion of Dr. Ambedkar that a
socially distinct community should be allowed to settle
in separate villages so that within such villages there
is no scope for any one to label another as untouchable
or lower caste. Only in such separate villages can the
so-called lower caste people also experience freedom
which India got five decades before. Besides, a fire
spewing urge to fight for their rights, self-respect
and dignity and a strive for coming together across
their religious, regional, linguistic, sub-caste and
ideological differences have to be consciously
nurtured. Unless this is achieved, the empowerment and
the emancipation of enslaved Indians would continue to
remain a distant dream.
Notes
1 The author teaches at Tata
Institute of Social Sciences, Sion-Trombay Road,
Deonar, Mumbai 400 088. E-mail: [email protected]
2 See Ramaiah, A. Protest
Movement and Scheduled Caste Identity: The Impact of
Constitutional Provisions on Scheduled Castes in
Selected Villages of Tamil Nadu, Ph.D. Thesis,
CSSS/SSS, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi
1998, 92.
3 Guruswamy, S. Tamil
Ilakkiathil Pallar (Mallar) Devendra Kula Velalar,
Mandram, Coimbatore (Tamil) 1993, 392; also see
Ramaiah (note 2), 1998, 70-73.
4 Gough, Kathleen E. "The
Social Structure of Tanjore Village", in: M.N.
Srinivas (ed.), Indian villages, Asia, Bombay 1969,
90.
5 Deliege, Robert. "At the
threshold of Untouchability: Pallars and Valaiyars in
a Tamil Village", in: C.J. Fuller (ed.), Caste Today,
Oxford University Press, Delhi 1997, 77.
6 Government of Tamil Nadu,
Gazetteer of India: Tamil Nadu State- Ramanathapuram
District, Madras 1972, 154.
7 Karashima, "The Untouchables
in Tamil Inscriptions and Other Historical Sources in
Tamil Nadu", in: H. Kotani (ed.), Caste System,
Untouchability and the Depressed, Manohar, New Delhi
1997, 23-4.
8 See Washbrook, "Land and
labour in the late eighteenth century South India:
The Golden Age of Pareah", in: Peter Robb (ed.),
Dalit Movements and the Meanings of Labour in India,
Oxford University Press, Delhi 1993,
78-80.
9 Government of Tamil Nadu
(note 6), 154.
10 Government of Tamil Nadu
(note 6), 155.
11 Gough, K, (1969), Andre
Beteille, Caste, Class,and Power:Changing Patterns of
Stratification in a Tanjore Village, University of
California Press, Berkeley 1971; Moffatt, M, An
Untouchable Community in South India: Structure and
Consensus, Princeton University Press, Princeton
1979.
12 Deliege, Robert (1997), 77;
Mosse, D., Caste, Christianity and Hinduism: A study
of social organisation and religion in rural Ramnad,
Unpublished D. Phil. Thesis, University of Oxford,
Oxford 1985, 356.
13 Deliege, Robert (1997),
77.
14 Thurston, E., Castes and
Tribes of Southern India (7 volumes), Government
Press, Madras 1909, 472.
15 Beteille, Andre,"The Social
Structure of an Indian Village", in: M.N. Srinivas
(ed.), India's Villages, Asia, Bombay 1969,
6.
16 Ambedkar, B.R., "States and
Minorities: What are their rights and how to secure
them in the Constitution of free India", in: Dr.
Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, Vol. 1,
Government of Maharashtra, Bombay 1979,
426.
17 Ambedkar, B.R. "Their Wishes
are Laws unto Us", in: Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar,
Writings and Speeches, Vol. 5, Government of
Maharashtra, Bombay 1989, 265-66.
18 Ambedkar, B.R. (1979),
425.
19 Beteille, Andre. Trials of
Democracy: Primacy of Customs over Law Times of
India, April 29th, 1999.
20 Benegal, Shyam. "Actors are
not like brushes in the painter's hand: they talk
back", Times of India, May 2nd 1999.
21 Ambedkar, B.R. "Annihilation
of Caste", in: Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and
Speeches, Vol. 1, Government of Maharashtra, Bombay
1979, 9.
