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Kumaraswamy Kamaraj - Karma Veerar
15 July 1903 - 2 October 1975
 "Mr
Kamaraj was not rich and has not grown rich; he is a bachelor and has no
family ties. He has been and is a whole-time politician and has laboured to
acquire personal knowledge of men and things all over the Tamil country and
he knows all the leaders of his party from every part of India. He has also
acquired facility in English and very considerable knowledge of world
affairs. He is immensely popular for all these reasons and especially
because he has no vices and leads a simple life. Above all he is the
'representative' Tamil as most Tamils imagine that figure. His ways of
speaking, walking, eating and dress commend themselves to the many millions
to whom these are familiar ways with nothing outlandish about them"
" சொத்து சுகம்
நாடார், சொந்தந்தனை நாடார் பொன்னென்றும் நாடார், பொருள்
நாடார், தான்பிறந்த அன்னையையும் நாடார், ஆசைதனை நாடார்,
நாடொன்றே நாடித்தன் நலமொன்றும் நாடாதநாடாரை நாடென்றார்."
KaNNa DhAsan
on KAmarAja n^AdAr (காமராஜ நாடார்)
From the Economics & Political Weekly
Commentary by Y Vincent Kumaradoss - April 24, 2004:
The political career of Kumaraswamy Kamaraj (1903-1975) spanning about 50 years,
cutting across the colonial and post-independent phases, of Indian history, is
indeed an enviable record. Representing a novel political culture neither
bordering on Gandhian thought and action nor possessing the anglicised
sophistication and cosmopolitanism of the Nehruvian vision, Kamaraj, rose from
an underprivileged background, stood forth as a sober and robust figure winning
the confidence and respect of the common people.
He showed a rare political acumen and the
uncanny ability to grasp social and political realities from
the grass roots level upwards. A hard core political
realist, his political life was never governed by any high
theories or fancy jargon. Accredited with the capacity to be
at ease with cliques, groups, factions and castes, Kamaraj
applied his energies in favour of common people. Endowed
with an extraordinary memory, his minimal formal schooling
was never a serious impediment. In fact rarely could a man
from such a humble origin possess such knowledge about Tamil
Nadu, be it geography or ethnography, which is beyond most
intellectuals and academicians. Kamaraj rose from the
lowest Congress ranks during the freedom struggle to become the president of the
Tamil Nadu Congress Party for over 20 years (1940-1963) interspersed by short
intervals, the chief minister of Madras (1954-1963) for nine years; and, as the
president of the Indian National Congress (1964-1967), he assumed the crucial
role of 'kingmaker'. Kamaraj's ascendancy is all the more significant because he
belonged to the low caste Nadar community,1
which had a long history of struggle against social oppression and economic
deprivation.
The Nadars, originally known as Shanars,
were found principally in the two southern districts of
Tirunelveli and Kanyakumari. Palmyra climbing and toddy
tapping were their traditional occupations. In the Hindu
caste hierarchy the Nadars were ranked very low just above
the untouchables and were forbidden entry into temples
because of their association with alcohol. Mercantilism and
Christianity played crucial roles in facilitating their
upward mobility. Within a span of two centuries, they rose
from near untouchability to a position of social and
economic power. Though Kamaraj typified the Nadar success
story he never was a leader of his community2
and transcended the bounds of Nadar caste identity3
dropping the caste title early in his political career.
Hailing from Virudhupatti (now Virudhunagar), one of the early settlements of
migrant Nadars, Kamaraj, born in 1903 into an ordinary small scale Nadar
business family, was a school dropout at the age of 11 and for a number of years
never had steady and proper employment. Kumaraswamy Kamaraj evinced interest in
politics at the age of 15 when the news of the Jallianwala Bagh massacre reached
his ears. Responding to the call of Gandhiji's Non-Cooperation Movement, Kamaraj
entered the freedom struggle as a Congress volunteer organising meetings,
processions and demonstrations. He soon found an abiding place for himself in
the Congress ranks as a gritty grass roots level, full-time worker and mass
leader of the Congress; and he was imprisoned a number of times for actively
participating in the freedom struggle. He spent a total of eight years in
British Indian jails during six spells of imprisonment. When the Brahmin
dominance in the Tamil Nadu Congress leadership4
was firmly entrenched and the rivalry between the two key Brahmin leaders, C
Rajagopalachari and S Satyamurthi, was brewing, Kamaraj wove his way into the
top echelons of the Tamil Nadu Congress organisation as the representative of
the non-Brahmin enclave. The 'Brahmin image'5
of the Congress found its affirmation at the hands of Rajaji when he
introduced compulsory Hindi in schools in 1938 when he was the chief minister.
This move was met with resentment and
brought about an open confrontation between him and E V
Ramasamy in 1938. A massive anti-Hindi agitation was
launched by E V Ramasamy unleashing a vehement onslaught on
the nexus between Rajaji, the Brahmin and Hindi, the 'Aryan
language of oppression'.6
The statewide anti-Hindi campaign involved picketing
schools, picketing in front of Rajaji's residence and hunger
strikes. E V Ramasamy was arrested in December 1938 and
imprisoned for a year.
This confrontation sharpened the conflict
between the non-Brahmins and Brahmins within the Congress
organisation. The agitation was continued till Rajaji had to
opt for making Hindi an optional subject in schools in
February 1940. At this crucial moment, Rajaji's candidate, C
P Subbiah, was defeated by K Kamaraj with the support of the
Brahmin leader, Satyamurthi. Kamaraj was elected as the
president of the Tamil Nadu Congress in 1940, the post which
he held till he became the chief minister of Tamil Nadu in
1954. The advent of Kamaraj as the party boss from a low
caste non-Brahmin background made a "powerful appeal to the vast non-Brahmin
majority" and attracted the non-Brahmin elites and the political-minded elements
"who had long resented the power and privileges" of the Brahmins, and broadened
the social base of the Congress.7
The non-Brahmin presence in the Congress gained ground, rallying around
Kamaraj, a 'rustic' leader who transformed the Congress into a people's party
championing the causes of the lower castes. Kamaraj grew steadily from strength
to strength displaying his organising skills to control men and matters. During
these years his contact with the people and the respect he commanded made his
position unassailable. The untimely death of Satyamurti in 1943 improved his
position and gave him a further lease of power. With the Congress machinery
under his control, he overshadowed his party men and effectively reduced the
Brahmin dominance in the party. As the party chief, Kamaraj commenced his
active role in the successive elections of the Congress legislative party of
Madras and was the prime author of installing three chief ministers between 1946
and 1952: T Prakasam, Omandur Ramaswamy Reddiar and Kumaraswamy Raja. The next
successor Rajaji was certainly not Kamaraj's choice but was appointed by the
Congress high command. The re-entry of Rajaji as chief minister8
without even an election could have derailed Kamaraj's emerging equations
with non-Brahmins. The die was cast when Rajaji, flaunting his authority,
introduced a vocational educational scheme based on hereditary calling, which
met with stiff opposition not only from the Dravida Kazhagam and Dravida
Munnetra Kazhagam, but also from a large number of non-Brahmins in the Congress
quarters. This educational pattern, aimed at imparting to school children the
traditional caste occupation of their parents, came to be condemned by E V!
Ramasamy as kula kalvi thittam, devised to perpetuate varnashrama dharma. Rajaji
also took the drastic step of closing down nearly 6,000 schools, citing
financial constraints.9
E V Ramasamy campaigned against the new
educational policy much to the chagrin of Rajaji. The Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam
(DMK), formed in 1949 by breaking away from the Dravida Kazhagam, also joined
the crusade against Rajaji's scheme. E V Ramasamy did not rest on his oars till
the scheme was dropped. This second confrontation between them proved too costly
for Rajaji. Rajaji, the statesman of Brahmin hagiography, had to bow out
ingloriously tendering his resignation in 1954. Rajaji's political vagaries in
1938 and 1953 meant the passing of Brahmins as the controllers of Tamil Nadu's
political destiny till the next four decades. With the resignation of Rajaji,
Kamaraj was perhaps the natural and logical choice. At the meeting of the
Congress legislature party on March 31, 1954, with Rajaji presiding, his arch
rival and the target of his ridicule10
Kamaraj was elected as the leader, securing 93 votes as against 41 received
by C Subramaniam who was propped up by Rajaji.11
Kamaraj as Chief Minister Kamaraj was
'reluctant to accept' the chief ministership but the circumstance prevailed upon
him as there was no 'alternative to the kingmaker himself ascending the throne.'12
Kamaraj took the mantle from Rajaji, and formed his first cabinet, which did
not contain a single Brahmin contrary to Rajaji's first ministry in 1937,
'dominated by Brahmins'.13
The elevation of Kamaraj as the chief minister on the wave of opposition to
the Rajaji scheme of education, led to the development of closer ties between
Kamaraj and E V Ramasamy. The Congress gained the support of E V Ramasamy and
Kamaraj's equation with the non-Brahmins was kept intact. E V Ramasamy was all
set to endorse his solidarity with Kamaraj on the grounds that in all these
years he was the first and only non-Brahmin with Tamil as his mother tongue to
become the chief minister; and for the first time a full-fledged ministry had
been formed without a single Brahmin headed! by Kamaraj.
According to
E V Ramasamy all
credit should go to Kamaraj for dropping Rajaji's
educational scheme despite opposition from upper castes led
by C Subramaniam and Bakthavatchalam who were in favour of
it.14
Extolling Kamaraj as the pacchai Tamilan he urged his
followers to extend every support to sustain the Kamaraj
rule and prevent it from being ousted, as the interests of
Tamils were safe in his hands.15
However, Kamaraj did not follow the exclusion of Brahmins as
a deliberate policy. In fact, Brahmins were incorporated
into his ministry at a later stage, one of the prominent
gainers being R Venkataraman. For Kamaraj, E V Ramasamy's
open proclamation of support was a great source of strength, arriving precisely
at the right moment when he himself was under pressure since doubts were being
echoed in certain circles whether Kamaraj, a low caste man without formal
education, would be able to cope with the administrative exigencies of the
office of chief minister.16
For Kamaraj, seasoned for the occasion, E V Ramasamy's endorsement was an
unmistakable political gain and he saw its usefulness in countering his critics.
Soon Kamaraj proved his capabilities as one of best chief ministers silencing
the critics and sceptics. Kamaraj silently used the non-Brahmin movement in his
favour though he did not 'share Periyar's anti-Brahmanism'.17
E V Ramasamy's crusade against brahmanism, religion and the threat of
imposition of Hindi from Delhi would continue unabated under Kamaraj's rule only
so long as it did not weaken Kamaraj's ministerial governance. Kamaraj distanced
himself from Ramasamy and his followers when the mode of agitation culminated in
a call for burning the national flag (August 1, 1955), maps of India and copies
of the Constitution.18
One of the first political acts of Kamaraj during his
tenure as chief minister was to widen representation of the
rising non-Brahmins in the cabinet. Ministerial berths were
given to the non-Brahmin caste-based parties, Tamil Nadu
Toilers Party and Commonweal Party. Both the parties were
subsequently 'subsumed' by the Congress.19
In a move to counter Tamil cultural politics espoused by the
DMK, Kamaraj made conscious attempts to partake in the
linguistic cultural matters. In order to placate Tamil
aspirations, Kamaraj effected some measures.20
The efforts towards introducing Tamil language as a medium
of instruction in schools and colleges was accompanied by
the publication of textbooks on 'scientific and technical
subjects' in Tamil.21
In 1960 the state education minister took steps to introduce
Tamil in government arts colleges as a medium of
instruction.
The introduction of the Tamil typewriter in
government offices was another effort to change the language
of administration gradually.22
Similarly the usage of Tamil in the courts received
encouragement. To affirm his role in the linguistic politics
of the state, Kamaraj did introduce a bill in February 1962
in the legislative assembly for changing the name of Madras
to 'Tamilnad' for 'intra-state communication', the bill also
proposing Madurai as the capital.23
But no decision was taken on it. However these moves were on
a low key and inadequate to woo the masses. The DMK made
capital out of this, routing Congress in the 1967 elections
four years after Kamaraj relinquished his office as chief
minister in accordance with the Kamaraj Plan to concentrate
on Congress organisational work. Committed to his version
of 'socialism' meaning that "those who are backward should progress", Kamaraj
remained truthful to the simple dictum of his 'socialism', providing 'what is
essential for man's living' such as 'dwelling, job, food and education'.24
The great feature of Kamaraj rule was the ending of the retrogressive
educational policies and setting the stage for universal and free schooling. Six
thousand schools closed down by Rajagopalachari were revived and 12,000 schools
added.25
The percentage of school going children in the age group between 6 and 11
increased from 45 per cent to 75 per cent within a span of seven years after he
became the chief minister.26
Almost every village within a radius of one
mile with a population of 300 and above inhabitants was
provided with a school.27
With a view to encouraging and attracting the rural poor
children to the schools Kamaraj pioneered a scheme of free
mid-day meals for primary school children in panchayat and
government institutions.28
This scheme, aided by the American voluntary organisation
CARE, was launched in 1957.29
In addition the government came forward to supply school
uniforms to poor students.30
To make the education easily accessible to children from
various backgrounds, full exemption from school fees was
introduced. Public enthusiasm and participation in raising
funds and procuring equipment for the schools were
entertained through different schemes making education a
social responsibility.31
Such measures made education affordable for many who were
denied basic educational opportunities for centuries.
Kamaraj's other major feat was his role in facilitating developmental programmes
chiefly electrification and industrial development. Thousands of villages were
electrified. Rural electrification led to the large-scale use of pumpsets for
irrigational purposes and agriculture-received impetus. Large and small-scale
industries were flagged off generating employment opportunities. Kamaraj made
the best use of the funds available through the Five-Year Plans and guided Tamil
Nadu in deriving the maximum benefit.
His efforts in these directions not only
enhanced the profile of Tamil Nadu as one of the
best-administered states in the post-independent era, but it
also raised it high in social and economic rankings compared
to other states.32
As chief minister for nine years Kamaraj headed a stable
administration and managed two elections successfully and
his reputation soared high as 'shrewd and competent' and
"one of the most effective chief min! isters in India."33
He proved himself more than equal to the task and his
detractors retracted the statements made about this
'village-green trundler'34
and his capacity to govern the state when he took the mantle
from Rajaji.
His competent ministerial colleagues and the excellent
set of senior state officials saw in Kamaraj 'a man with a
mission' who could set aside any stricture in order to serve
the common people. He was able to invoke cooperation,
dedication and willingness ungrudgingly. Importantly his
approach to governance and party control was never tainted
with religious overtones and a secular commitment was
natural and integral to his mission in life. Among his
cherished political mentors, Kamaraj held George Joseph, a
Kerala Christian nationalist who chose Madurai as his base
for practising law and for his political activities, in high
esteem.35
Kamaraj's association with George Joseph
began early and grew in strength from the days when Kamaraj
frequented political meetings addressed by George Joseph in
Virudhunagar.36
It continued through the period of his involvement in the
Vaikom Satyagraha then led by George Joseph, to the
organising of demonstrations against the Simon Commission
along with Joseph. It was George Joseph who defended Kamaraj
and got him released when he was accused of making bombs and
implicated in the Virudhunagar Conspiracy case. Profoundly
fond of George Joseph and his family, Kamaraj continued to
pay visits to the Joseph family especially his wife
Susannah, even with his busy itinerary as chief minister.
His lifestyle never changed; power and position failed to dislocate his
simplicity. His illustrious career as the chief minister of Tamil Nadu ended in
1963 and he commenced his political life in Delhi as the president of the All
India Congress Party. Explicating Kamaraj's long stint and stature in Tamil Nadu
politics, reputed political scientist, R Bhaskaran, observed:
"Mr Kamaraj was not rich and has not
grown rich; he is a bachelor and has no family ties. He
has been and is a whole-time politician and has laboured
to acquire personal knowledge of men and things all over
the Tamil country and he knows all the leaders of his
party from every part of India. He has also acquired
facility in English and very considerable knowledge of
world affairs. He is immensely popular for all these
reasons and especially because he has no vices and leads
a simple life. Above all he is the 'representative'
Tamil as most Tamils imagine that figure. His ways of
speaking, walking, eating and dress commend themselves
to the many millions to whom these are familiar ways
with nothing outlandish about them."37
Bhaskaran's judgment is indeed right. That
is certainly the reason why the beleaguered Congress in
Tamil Nadu is wooing the Tamils today with the promise of
'Kamaraj Rule.' Most know why it cannot promise a 'Rajaji
Rule'.
Notes
1 Lloyd I Rudolph and Susanne
Hoeber Rudolph, The Modernity of Tradition: Political
Development in India, The University of Chicago Press,
Chicago and London, 1972, (Third Impression), pp 36-49.
2 Duncan B Forrester,
' Kamaraj: A Study in Percolation of Style,' Modern
Asian Studies, 4, 1, 1970, p 47. 3
Dennis Templeman, The Northern Nadars of Tamil Nadu: An
Indian Caste in the Process of Change, Oxford University
Press, Delhi, 1996, p 262. 4
Ibid, p 48. 5
Karat Prakash, Language and Nationality in Tamil Nadu
Politics, Orient Longman, Madras, 1973, p 78. 6
Ibid, p 78f.
7 J Anthony
Lukas, 'Political Python of India', New York Times,
February 20, 1966. 8
Rajaji was out of Congress between 1942 and 1946,
disapproving Congress Party's Quit India Movement and
its initial opposition to the demand for Pakistan. 9
Era Rathina Giri, Thanthai PeriyarVazhvum Thondum,
National Book Trust, New Delhi, 1997, p 70. 10
Prabhanjan, 'Kamaraj Engira Acharyam', Inthiya Today,
July 30, 2003, p 46. 11
Rajmohan Gandhi, The Rajaji Story 1937-1972, Bharatiya
Vidya Bhavan, Bombay, 1984, p 252 12
Duncan B Forrester, 'Kamaraj: A Study', p 53.
13 Ibid, p 54.
14 'Kamarasar
Atharipu Ean?,' Viduthalai May 15, 1954, in Periyar EVR
Sinthanaigal, p 829. 15
'Kamarasar Atharipu Ean?,' Viduthalai June 1, 1954, in
Periyar EVR Sinthanaigal, pp 832-35. 16
Chinna Kuthusi Thiyagarajan, 'Ainthanduth Thittangal
Kalamum Kamarajin Porkala Atchyum', Thittam, Vol 33, No
11, July 2003, p 2.
17 Anita Diehl,
Periyar E V Ramaswami: A Study of the Influence of a
Personality in Contemporary South India, B I
Publications, Madras, 1978, p 73f. 18
Mohan Ram, Hindi against India: The Meaning of DMK,
Rachna Prakashan, New Delhi, 1968, p 92f. 19
Lloyd I Rudolph and Susanne Hoeber Rudolph, The
Modernity of Tradition, p 88f. 20
Karat Prakash, Language and Nationality, p 80.
21 Narendra
Subramanian, Ethnicity and Populist Mobilisation:
Political Parties, Citizens and Democracy in South
India, UP, New-Delhi, 1999, p 16. 22
Ibid.
23 Robert L
Hardgrave Jr, 'The DMK and the Politics of Tamil
Nationalism', Pacific Affairs, 1965, p 409. 24
J Antony Lucas, 'Political Python', p 52.
25 Chinna Kuthusi
Thiyagarajan, 'Ainthanduth Thittangal', p 2. 26
Ibid, p 3. 27
Ibid, p 2.
28 The Hindu,
August 8, 2003, p 10.
29 P S
Subbaraman, Kamaraj: Symbol of Indian Democracy, Popular
Prakashan, New-Delhi, 1966, p 23. 30
Ibid.
31 Chinna Kuthusi
Thiyagarajan, 'Ainthanduth Thittangal', p 3f 32
P S Subbaraman, Kamaraj: Symbol, p 19f.
33 Duncan B
Forrester, Kamaraj: A Study, p 53.
34 Rajmohan
Gandhi, The Rajaji Story, p 251.
35 George
Gheverghese Joseph, George Joseph: the Life and Times of
a Kerala Christian Nationalist, Orient Longman, New
Delhi, 2003, p 224f. 36
John Asirvatham, Ganthiya Perunthalaivar Kamarasar,
International Institute of Tamil Studies, Madras, 1991,
p 5. 37 R
Bhaskaran, 'Aspects of Political Leadership in Madras
Politics', Sociology of Politics: Tradition and Politics
in India, Asia Publishing House, Bombay, 1967, p 50.
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