Human Rights Watch
in Service to the War Party - Edward S. Herman
and David Peterson and George Szamuely, February
2007 |
Human Rights
Watch as a Political Instrument of the Liberal
Cosmopollitan Elite of the United States of America
- Oleg Popov, 16
November 2004 "...Jimmy Carter's "liberal"
Administration in the person of his national
security advisor Zbigniev Brzezinski considered
propaganda of the ideas of "freedom of speech,
human rights and democracy" in common context of
geopolitical opposition and ideological struggle
between the USA and the USSR. Accordingly, the
"workers of ideological front" (Freedom House, Rand
Corp., Council for Foreign Relations, US Institute
for Peace, Voice of America, Radio Liberty and
other governmental organizations and research
centers) propagandized the ideas of human rights
striving for creation of favorable "subjective"
conditions of political and ideological changes in
Eastern European countries in the direction
needed by the US.
Western human rights activists-liberals (many of
them had shared anti-capitalist and even socialist
views) regarded the "introduction" of universal
ideas of human rights in the USSR as a necessary
element of the struggle for "liberation of the
whole mankind" a kind of missionary activities. For
the same reason they wanted to defend human rights
in any country of the world, no matter what kind of
political and block orientation it was possessed.
In other words, American human rights activists
didn't appear only as US citizens troubling about
American interests but as defenders of human rights
worldwide. This wing of realists-liberals is often
called by American public a "liberal cosmopolitan"
wing...
The financing of all the
branches of HRW was generally provided by Jewish
charity funds such as Aaron Diamond Foundation,
Jacob M. Kaplan Fund, Revson Foundation and
Scherman Foundation. As in 70s, the Ford Foundation
continued financing HRW too. Among new "donors"
there appeared well-known multimillion
philanthropic funds such as MacArthur Foundation,
John Merck Fund and J. Mertz-Gilmore Foundation.
Financing had also been provided by the Fund for
Free Expression, established by Robert L. Bernstein
at the beginning of 70s. At the same time the list
of its activists included the names of well-known
writers, scientists, artists (Arthur Miller, Kurt
Vonnegut, John Updike etc.) and managers of large
charity funds (already mentioned Dorothy Cullman,
Irene Diamond and Mark Kaplan).
And the step, which decided the
fate of HRW and influenced not only the character
of its activities and the choice of objects to
criticize but the very mission of the organization
was its "alliance" with stockjobber-billionaire
George Soros. Soros joined HRW not only
himself. His wife Susan, the shareholders of his
Quantum Fund multimillionaires John Gutfreund and
John Studzinski, Fiona, the wife of the manager of
his fund billionaire Stanley Druckenmiller, even
the employees of companies and funds managed by
Soros, well-known politologists Barnett Rubin and
William D. Zabel, and also Warren Zimmerman, a
diplomat became members of the Advisory Committee
of HRW and its branches..." more
|
Council on Foreign
Relations |
|
Human Rights &
Humanitarian Law
Who is behind Human Rights
Watch?
[Courtesy: http://web.inter.nl.net/users/Paul.Treanor/HRW.html]
Paul Treanor
"...For a century
there has been a strong interventionist belief in the
United States - although it competes with widespread
isolationism. In recent years attitudes hardened:
human-rights interventionism became a consensus
among the 'foreign policy elite' even before
September 11. Human Rights Watch itself is part of that
elite, which includes government departments,
foundations, NGO's and academics. It is certainly not
an association of 'concerned private citizens'. HRW
board members include present and past government
employees, and overlapping directorates link it to the
major foreign policy lobbies in the US... Human
rights are not the only ideology of intervention. The
'civilising mission', which justified 19th
century colonisation, is another example.The point
is that human rights can serve a geopolitical purpose, which is unrelated
to their moral content...."
Under President Clinton, Human Rights
Watch was the most influential pro-intervention lobby:
its 'anti-atrocity crusade' helped drive the wars in
ex-Yugoslavia. Under Bush it lost influence to the
neoconservatives, who have their own crusades, and it
is unlikely to regain that influence in his second
term. But the 'two interventionisms' are not so
different anyway: Human Rights Watch is founded on
belief in the superiority of American values. It has
close links to the US foreign policy elite, and to
other interventionist and expansionist lobbies.
No US citizen, and no US organisation, has
any right to impose US values on Europe. No concentration
camps or mass graves can justify that imposition. But
Human Rights Watch finds it self-evident, that the United
States may legitimately restructure any society, where a
mass grave is found. That is a dangerous belief for a
superpower: European colonialism shows how easily a
'civilising mission' produces its own atrocities. The
Belgian 'civilising mission' in the Congo, at the time
promoted as a noble and unselfish enterprise, killed half
the population. Sooner or later, more people will die in
crusades to prevent a new Holocaust, than died in the
Holocaust itself. And American soldiers will continue to
kill, torture and rape, in order to prevent killings,
torture and rape.
For a century there has been a strong interventionist
belief in the United States - although it competes with
widespread isolationism. In recent years attitudes
hardened: human-rights interventionism became a consensus
among the 'foreign policy elite' even before September
11. Human Rights Watch itself is part of that elite,
which includes government departments, foundations, NGO's
and academics. It is certainly not an association of
'concerned private citizens'. HRW board members include
present and past government employees, and overlapping
directorates link it to the major foreign policy lobbies
in the US. Cynically summarised, Human Rights Watch arose
as a joint venture of George Soros and the State
Department. Nevertheless, it represents some fundamental
characteristics of US-American culture.
The September 11 attacks confirmed the interventionism
of the entire foreign policy elite - not just the highly
visible neoconservatives. More important, the public
response illustrated the almost absolute identification
of Americans with their own value system. Without any
apparent embarrassment, President Bush declared that a
war between good and evil was in progress. Ironically,
that mirrors the language of the Islamic fundamentalists.
It implies a Crusader mentality, rather than the usual
pseudo-neutrality of liberal-democratic political
philosophy. A society which believes in its own absolute
goodness, and the absolute and universal nature of its
own values, is a fertile ground for interventionism.
Human rights are part of the American value system,
but they are also especially useful as an 'ideology of
justification' in wartime. Such an ideology should
ideally meet some criteria. First, it should not be a
simple appeal to self-interest. Simply stating "We own
the world!" or "We are the master race, submit to us!"
is not good propaganda. As a slogan, 'war on terrorism'
is also inadequate, since it is too clearly an
American war, against the enemies of America.
For propaganda purposes, an appeal to higher values is
preferable.
Second, these higher values should be universal. This
is why Islamism would probably fail as an interventionist
ideology: it is specific to Islam. A geopolitical claim
to intervene in support of Islamic values can be answered
simply by saying: "We are not Muslims here". The doctrine
of universal human rights is, by definition, universal
and cross-cultural.
Third, the ideology should appeal to the population of
the super-power. In the United States, for historical
reasons, 'rights doctrines' have become part of its
political culture. It would be pointless for a US
President to justify a war by appealing to Islam, or
royal legitimacy, because very few Americans hold these
beliefs. Most Americans do believe in rights theories -
and very few know that these theories are disputed.
Fourth, if possible, the ideology should appeal to the
'enemy' population. It should ideally be part of their
values. That is difficult, but the doctrine of human
rights has succeeded in acquiring cross-cultural
legitimacy. This does not mean it is inherently right -
but simply that no non-western cultures have an answer to
the doctrine. The government of China, for instance,
fully accepts the concept of human rights, and claims to
uphold them. So when it is accused of human rights
violations, it can do nothing but deny, on this issue it
is perpetually on the defensive. Acceptance of your
values by the enemy population could be seen as the Holy
Grail of war propaganda: if the enemy leadership is
incapable of presenting an alternative value system, it
will ultimately collapse.
Human rights are not the only ideology of
intervention. The 'civilising mission', which
justified 19th century colonisation, is another
example.The point is that human rights can serve a
geopolitical purpose, which is unrelated to their moral
content. It is not possible to show that 'human rights'
exist, and most moral philosophers would not even try. It
might not be a very important issue in ethics anyway -
but it is important in politics and geopolitics. And
geopolitics is what Human Rights Watch is about - not
about ethics. HRW itself is an almost exclusively
US-American organisation. Its version of human rights is
the Anglo-American tradition. It is 'mono-ethical' -
recognising no legitimate ethical values outside its own.
However, the human-rights tradition is not, and can never
be, a substitute for a general morality. Major ethical
issues such as equality, distributive justice, and
innovation, simply don't fit into rights-based
ethics.
Ethical values are not, in themselves, culturally
specific. However, this ethical tradition has become
associated with the United States. It is dominant in the
political culture, it has become associated with the flag
and other national symbols, and it is capable of
generating intense national emotion. It emphasises the
universal rights set out in the American Declaration of
Independence and its Constitution. In a sense the US was
'pre-programmed' as an interventionist power. Universal
human rights, by their nature, tend to justify military
intervention to enforce those rights. Expansionists,
rather than isolationists, are closest to the spirit of
the American Constitution, with its inherently
interventionist values. In fact, most US-Americans
believe in the universality and superiority of their
ethical tradition. Interventionist human-rights
organisations are, like the neoconservative warmongers, a
logical result. Human Rights Watch is not formally an
'association for the promotion of the American Way of
Life' - but it tends to behave like one.
Human Rights Watch operates a number of discriminatory
exclusions, to maintain its American character, and that
in turn reduces internal criticism of its limited
perspective. Although it publishes material in foreign
languages to promote its views, the organisation itself
is English-only. More seriously, HRW discriminates on
grounds of nationality. Non-Americans are systematically
excluded at board level - unless they have emigrated to
the United States. HRW also recruits its employees in the
United States, in English. The backgrounds of the
Committee members (below) indicate that HRW recruits it
decision-makers from the upper class, and upper-middle
class. Look at their professions: there are none from
middle-income occupations, let alone any poor illegal
immigrants, or Somali peasants.
Human Rights Watch can therefore claim no ethical
superiority. It is itself involved in practices it
condemns elsewhere, such as discrimination in employment,
and exclusion from social structures. It can also claim
no neutrality. An organisation which will not allow a
Serb or Somali to be a board member, can give no neutral
assessment of a Serbian or Somali state. It would
probably be impossible for this all-American,
English-only, elite organisation, to be anything else but
paternalistic and arrogant. To the people who run HRW,
the non-western world consists of a list of atrocities,
and via the media they communicate that attitude to the
American public. It can only dehumanise African, Asians,
Arabs and eastern Europeans. Combined with a tendency to
see the rest of the world as an enemy, that will
contribute to new abuses and continuing civilian deaths,
during America's crusades.
Who runs the HRW Europe Committee? Human
Rights Watch is organised approximately by continent. The
Europe section was established in 1978, originally named
'Helsinki Steering Committee' or 'Helsinki Watch'. It is the core of
the later Human Rights Watch organisation. In the late
1970's, human rights had become the main issue in Cold
War propaganda, after Soviet concessions at the Helsinki
summit (1975), allowing human rights monitoring. Western
governments encouraged 'private' organisations to use
this concession - not out of moral concern, but as a
means of pressuring the Soviet Union. HRW was one of
these 'private' organisations: in other words, it began
as a Cold War propaganda instrument.
The committee is now called the Europe and Central
Asia Advisory Committee. It is still affiliated with
the International Helsinki Federation for Human
Rights, which co-ordinates the "Helsinki committees".
The membership now includes fewer ex-diplomats than in
the 1990's, more academics, and a few HRW donors. This
web page and other similar publicity, has probably
influenced the change in style. (By appointing his tax
lawyer to the HRW Board, Soros exposed himself to
ridicule and charges of cronyism). The list below is the
March 2004 version.
Peter Osnos, chair
George Soros' publisher. He is Chief Executive of
Public Affairs publishers.
Alice Henkin, Vice Chair
Human Rights lawyer, Director of the Justice and
Society Program at the Aspen Institute. Member of the
Council on Foreign
Relations, the most influential elite
foreign-policy lobby. The President and CEO of the
Aspen Institute is Walter
Issacson, who is also Chairman and CEO of CNN News.
Henri Barkey
Professor of International Relations at Lehigh
University, advised the State Department on Turkish and
Kurdish issues. Married to Ellen Laipson, former
Special Assistant to Madeleine Albright, when Albright
was UN Ambassador. Considered anti-Turkish by some
Turkish media. See: Columnist on US Plans for Cyprus,
1999.
Jonathan Fanton, ex-member
Chair of the HRW International Committee until 2003,
and still a member. President of the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur
Foundation, itself a HRW donor. Former Vice
President of the University of Chicago, in 1982
appointed as President of the New School for Social
Research, now the New School University. He is active in
building US academic contacts with eastern Europe,
directed at the new pro-western elites, see the
Transregional Center for Democratic
Studies (TCDS) page.
Morton Abramowitz, ex-member
A link to the foreign policy establishment, one of
several at HRW. Abramowitz was U.S. Ambassador to
Turkey (1989-91) and Assistant Secretary of State for
Intelligence and Research (1985-89), among other posts:
see his personal details at the Council on Foreign Relations,
where he is a Fellow. The CFR is the heart of interventionist US
policy since 1921 (and hated by the isolationist
right). He directed the CFR Balkan Economic Task Force,
which published a report on "Reconstructing the
Balkans".
Stephen Del Rosso
Ex-diplomat, also member of the Council on Foreign
Relations (CFR). Works for the Carnegie Corporation as 'Senior
Program Officer' International Peace and Security, and
before that for the Pew Trust. See his biography at the Carnegie website
- a typical international affairs career.
Barbara Finberg
A donor of HRW, see the list below. A retired vice
president with the Carnegie Corporation of New York,
who donated $1 million to Stanford University.
Felice Gaer
Human rights specialist at the American Jewish
Committee, and Chairperson of the U.S. Commission on International Religious
Freedom, which is primarily active against Islamic
countries and China. According to this JTA report, Gaer praised
Madeleine Albright for her "outstanding human rights
record", apparently meaning that she would not allow
any criticism of Israel's housing policy in Jerusalem.
Gaer was also chair of the Steering Committee for the
50th anniversary of the UN Human Rights Declaration,
see this biography:
"Ms.Gaer is Director of the Jacob Blaustein Institute
for the Advancement of Human Rights. Author, speaker,
and activist, she is a member of the Council on Foreign
Relations, the Board of Directors of the Andrei
Sakharov Foundation, a member of the International
Human Rights Council at the Carter Center, ...Vice
President of the International League for Human
Rights."
In 1999, Felice Gaer was a non-governmental member
of the United States delegation to a United Nations
Human Rights Commission meeting in Geneva, where
(according to the Voice of America) she denounced
Sudan, saying the the U.S. "cannot accept those who
invoke Islam or other religions as justification for
atrocious human rights abuses." More interesting ( with
hindsight) is this speech at the Geneva meeting,
where she suggested the UN should no longer investigate
prison rapes in the US: "we would urge the Special
Rapporteurs to focus their attention on countries where
the situation is the most dire and the abuses the most
severe."
The disclosures about abuse of prisoners in Iraq
illustrate the ethical problem here. One thing you
can't say, is that 'America doesn't treat its own
prisoners like that'. Americans do treat their
fellow citizens like that - in American jails, which
have a consistently bad record on prisoner abuse. But
Felice Gaer suggested that it somehow isn't as bad, if
the US authorities do such things. The United States,
she said, was committed to human rights and... "When
violations occur, we have the mechanisms and
protections in place to prosecute."
In reality, US authorities responded as at Abu
Ghraib, and Guantanamo Bay: they obstructed outside
investigators. The Report of the mission to the United
States of America on the issue of violence against
women in state and federal prisons says:
"...on the eve of her visit to Michigan, the
Special Rapporteur received a letter dated 12 June 1998
from the Governor of Michigan informing her that she
would not be allowed to ... visit any of the women's
prisons... The Special Rapporteur found this refusal
particularly disturbing since she had received very
serious allegations of sexual misconduct occurring at
Florence Crane Women's Facility and Camp Branch
Facility for Women in Coldwater, Michigan, as well as
at Scott Correctional Facility for Women in Plymouth,
Michigan."
Virginia and California also obstructed the Special
Rapporteur. Felice Gaer knew that, because the report
had already been published. She was lying when she told
the UN that "we welcome outside investigations".
Instead of condemning the obstruction, she diverted
attention to abuses in Nigeria, Afghanistan, Saudi
Arabia and China. The United States, she explained, is
an open, democratic society.
That sounds like Donald Rumsfeld speaking about Abu
Ghraib. It is dangerous attitude: it implies that
America can ultimately do no wrong, since its open
society is a perfect defence against abuse of power.
Human Rights Watch does promote that attitude - that
'human rights abuse' is essentially something done by
foreigners, and that American institutions are somehow
immunised against it. Now, the US soldiers who abused
and killed prisoners in Iraq and Afghanistan don't see
themselves as comparable to the previous regimes: they
see themselves as the good guys, defenders of a system
which is infinitely better. Certainly under wartime
conditions, that attitude inevitably leads to
abuses.
So Human Rights Watch itself must accept some of the
blame, for what happened to the prisoners. HRW divides
humanity in two: on the one side are the supporters of
American values. On the other, worthless criminal
barbarian rapists and torturers. In this logic 'human
rights' does not imply that Iraqi prisoners should be
treated with respect, but rather the opposite. From
"our torture is different" it's a small step to "our
torture is acceptable because it is anti-torturer" and
then another small step to "human rights means
torturing torturers". Or their friends, or their
family, or the subversives who want to appease
them...
Michael Erwin Gellert
Vice Chairman of the Board at Fanton's New School for
Social Research. Partner in the private investment
company Windcrest Partners, and Chairman of the Board
of the Carnegie Institute. Gellert is or was a director
of Premier Parks Inc., owner of the Six
Flags and Walibi theme park chains.
Paul Goble
Director of Communications and political commentator at
Radio
Free Europe/Radio Liberty, the Cold War propaganda
transmitters that survived the end of the Cold War.
From their website: "Free Europe, Inc., was established
in 1949 as non-profit, private corporations to
broadcast news and current affairs programs to Eastern
European countries behind the Iron Curtain. The Radio
Liberty Committee, Inc., was created two years later
along the same lines to broadcast to the nations inside
the Soviet Union. Both were funded principally by the
U.S. Congress, through the Central Intelligence Agency,
but they also received some private donations as well.
The two corporations were merged into a single RFE/RL,
Inc. in 1975."
It is still funded by the US Government, through
Congressional appropriation.
Bill Green, ex-member
Former Republican member of Congress, a trustee of the
New School for Social Research (where Fanton is
President), with many other public and business posts:
see the biography at the American
Assembly, an academic/political think-tank.
Stanley Hoffman
A pro-interventionist theorist (of course that means US
intervention, not a Taliban invasion of the US).
Professor at Harvard, see his biography. Note that his
colleagues include Daniel Goldhagen, who openly
advocated occupation of Serbia, to impose a US-style
democracy: see A New Serbia.
Jeri Laber
Longtime HRW staff member, since the Helsinki Watch
period. Now an advisor, without executive tasks,
Kati Marton, ex-member
President of the Committee to Protect Journalists.
However this 'protection' did not extend to journalists
killed by NATO bombing of the Belgrade TV studios: she
declined to condemn it. This may, perhaps, have
something to do with not embarrassing her husband:
Richard C. Holbrooke, former Special Envoy to
Yugoslavia, and US Ambassador to the United Nations.
For an idea of the social world behind Human Rights
Watch, and a glimpse of of how US foreign policy is
made, see this article about their cocktail parties...
Dick Holbrooke, who's been U.N. ambassador since
August, has a different idea of what sort of people the
suite should be filled with. Tonight, he's hosting a
dinner for General Wesley Clark, the granite-faced,
soft-spoken nato chief, who is leaving his post in
April. .... Dressed in a formal pin-striped suit, crisp
white shirt, and red tie, Holbrooke still manages to
look comfortably rumpled -- his unruly hair is the
secret to this effect -- as he banters his way around
the room. Introducing Clark to billionaire financier
George Soros and Canadian press lord Conrad Black,
Holbrooke teasingly calls the general, whose formal
title is supreme Allied commander for Europe, "The
Supreme,"...
Holbrooke's wife, the author Kati Marton, is equally
adept at the art of the cocktail party. Dressed in an
elegant white pantsuit, she ushers guests into the
dining room, where four tables are set for a meal of
crab cakes and sautéed duck. Marton and Holbrooke,
who have been giving twice-a-week diplomatic dinners,
have a carefully choreographed act. "I give the opening
toast, which is unorthodox in the U.N. village," she
explains. "Richard and I are making the point we're
doing this together."
Ambassador A-List, from the
January 3, 2000 issue of New York Magazine.
As 'journalist protector', Kati Marton lobbied for
the Soros-funded B92 radio in Belgrade, which played a
central role in the opposition under Milosevic, at
least until his last year in power. The campaign for
B92 is illustrative of the symbiotic relationship of
interventionist lobbies and interventionist
governments. Marton was lobbying to protect an
'independent' radio station which was already
part-funded by the US government (National Endowment
for Democracy). Partly as a result, it got even more
western funding.
Immediately after the station was banned, Ivor
Roberts, the British ambassador, showed his support by
visiting its offices on the fifth floor of a run-down
socialist-style building in downtown Belgrade. Carl
Bildt, then the international High Representative in
charge of the civilian side of the Dayton peace
agreement in Bosnia, the US State Department, and Kati
Marton of the Committee to Protect Journalists also
made protests on behalf of the station.
Internet technology and international pressure
proved to be effective weapons against Milosevic. After
two days he withdrew his edict forbidding B-92 to
broadcast. It seems likely that he was convinced that
lifting the ban would win Western praise and deflect
international attention from his electoral fraud.
Immediately afterward, B-92 was able - through funds
provided equally by the BBC, the British Foreign
Office, USAID, the European Union, and George Soros's
Open Society Foundation-to gain access to a satellite
that linked twenty-eight independent local radio
stations, covering 70 percent of the Federal Republic
of Yugoslavia, which is now made up of Serbia and
Montenegro.
1997 article from the New York Review
of Books
Prema Mathai-Davis, ex-member
A token non-westerner, an Indian immigrant. She was,
however, also CEO of the YWCA (Young Womens Christian
Association), which is as American as can be.
Jack Matlock, ex-member
US Ambassador to the Soviet Union during its collapse,
1987-1991. Author of Autopsy On An Empire: The
American Ambassador's Account of the Collapse of the
Soviet Union (Random House, 1995).
Member of the large Board of
Directors of the Atlantic Council. The Atlantic
Council is more than a pro-NATO fan club: it supports
an expansionist US foreign policy in general. Note
their recent paper (in pdf format) Beyond Kosovo, a redesign of the
Balkans within the framework of the proposed Stability
Pact.
The Atlantic Council is a delight for
corporate-conspiracy theorists. Yes, it is all
paid for by the Rockefeller foundation, the Soros
foundation, the Nuclear Energy Institute, Boeing,
Lockheed, Northrop, Exxon, British Nuclear Fuels, the
US Army and the European Union. And, no surprise to
conspiracy fans, Matlock attended the 1996 Bilderberg Conference.
Walter Link
Chairman of the Global Academy Institute for
Globalization, Human Rights, and Leadership - obviously
not a man to limit the scope of his activities.
Promoter of the Blue Planet Run, a global foot-race
starting in San Francisco, which will improve the
global water supply. That's what it says at the website
anyway. The Academy is associated with the futurist
John Naisbitt.
Michael McFaul
Hoover Institution Fellow at Stanford University. See
his biography. A lobbyist for the
'democratisation' of Russia, and relatively hostile to
the Putin government. Note, that there is no lobby in
Russia, that seeks to decide the form of government of
the United States.
Sarah E. Mendelson
Senior Fellow at the Center For Strategic and
International Studies. Member of the Council on
Foreign Relations. Chechnya specialist. See her
CV.
Karl Meyer
Editor of World Policy Journal, published by the World
Policy Institute. The WPI supports an expansionist and
interventionist American foreign policy: it is part of
Jonathan Fanton's New School University.
Joel Motley
Also on the main HRW Board. Managing Director, Carmona
Motley, Inc. Member of the Council on Foreign
Relations, where he was a member of their Task Force on
Non-Lethal Technologies. This is
what Mr. Motley wants to do the poor, to improve their
human rights:
- jamming or destruction of communications,
together with the ability to transmit television and
radio programs of ones choice, potentially useful for
reducing inflammatory, sometimes genocidal, messages or
separating murderous rulers from army and populace;
- slickums and stickums to impede vehicle or foot
traffic;
- highly obnoxious sounds and smells, capable of
inducing immediate flight or temporary digestive
distress.
That would have helped in Somalia, concludes the CFR
Task Force. Needless to say there was no Somali on the
Task Force either. Motley is also on the Advisory Board
of LEAP, an educational charity, where they
develop courses in, among other things, conflict
resolution. Their website doesn't say whether the
children are trained to use digestive distress
agents.
Herbert Okun
Career diplomat, former Special Advisor on Yugoslavia
to Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, Deputy Co-Chairman
of the International Conference on the former
Yugoslavia. Member of the Board of the Lawyers Alliance
for World Security (LAWS) and its affiliate the
Committee for National Security (CNS) which gives this
biography:
Ambassador Herbert Okun is the U.S. member and
Vice-President of the International Narcotics Control
Board, and Visiting Lecturer on International Law at
Yale Law School. Previously, he was the Deputy Chairman
on the U.S. delegation at the SALT II negotiations and
led the U.S. delegation in the trilateral
U.S.-U.K.-USSR Talks on the CTBT. From 1991 to 1993
Ambassador Okun was Special Advisor on Yugoslavia to
Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, Personal Envoy of the
U.N. Secretary General, and Deputy Co-Chairman of the
International Conference on the former Yugoslavia. He
also served as Deputy Permanent Representative of the
United States to the UN from 1985 to 1989 serving on
the General Assembly, the Disarmament Committee and the
Committee on Peaceful Uses of Outer Space. Amb. Okun
was also U.S. Ambassador to the former German
Democratic Republic.
He was from 1990-97 Executive Director of the
Financial Services Volunteer Corps, "a non-profit
organization providing voluntary assistance to help
establish free-market financial systems in former
communist countries", see his biography at
International Security Studies at Yale University,
where he is also a board member. This Corps is a de
facto agency of USAID, see how it is listed
country-by-country in their report. Although it is not
relevant to Human Rights Watch, this curriculum vitae gives a good
impression of the kind of international elite created
by such programs.
Okun is also a member emeritus of the board of the
European Institute in Washington,
an Atlanticist lobby. It organises the
European-American Policy Forum, the European-American
Congressional Forum, and the Transatlantic Joint
Security Policies Project. Okun is a special advisor to
the Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly
Conflict funded by the Carnegie Corporation. (It
links pro-western international elite figures
advocating a formal structure for control of states by
the "international community").
Okun was a member of a Task Force (including Bianca
Jagger and George Soros) on war criminals: see their
report . Although it also demands
"UN Sanctions Against States Harboring Indicted War
Criminals" it is unlikely that the Task Force members
meant the man quoted at the start of their report,
President Clinton.
A curiosity: this human rights supporter is accused
of an attempt to destroy the right to free speech, in
his post at the International Narcotics Control Board:
see A Duty to Censor: U.N. Officials Want to
Crack Down on Drug War Protesters in the
libertarian Reason Magazine.
Jane Olson
Represents HRW Southern California on the main HRW
Board, see her biography. One of the few who are
simply human rights activists, although her views are
clearly 100% acceptable to the US Government. She was
appointed a member of the U.S. delegation to the 1991
Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE)
in Moscow. The biography notes that she
"...participated in many investigation delegations to
the former USSR, Yugoslavia, the Caucasus, Cuba,
Vietnam and Cambodia". There is even a photo gallery:
Jane with helmet in front of an armoured car in Bosnia,
Jane at Tianmen Square, Jane in Red Square, Jane
celebrates Ukrainian independence, Jane in Cambodia
with Queen Noor of Jordan.
Again note, that US citizens consider it normal to
travel to Europe, to decide on Europe's 'Security and
Cooperation'. However, there is absolutely no
equivalent "Conference on North American Security and
Cooperation", where Europeans arrive, to tell Americans
what to do. And no Bosnians are allowed to drive
armoured vehicles around the United States.
Hannah Pakula
Author, member of the Freedom to Write Committee at
PEN, the international writers organisation. Widow of
film director Alan Pakula. Co-organiser of the Human
Rights Watch Film Festival.
Kathleen Peratis
Also Chair of the HRW Women's Rights Advisory
Committee. Lawyer in New York, see the biography. She is a member of the
Advisory Committee of Brit Tzedek v'Shalom - Jewish
Alliance for Justice and Peace, which campaigns for
a dual-state solution in Israel. Also a Board Member at
B'nai Jeshurun, "a Zionist congregation"
"Collectively and individually, BJ members love
and support the State of Israel. The continuing
violence in Israel deepens our commitment as it saddens
our hearts. We pray together for peace. At the same
time, we assume our obligation as sacred communities to
take action that will both encourage ongoing dialogue
about the situation and explore the myriad ways that we
- collectively and individually - can support Israel
fulfill the vision put forth in its Declaration of
Independence."
Peratis ... is listed in the 1995 donor's list.
Barnett Rubin
Academic and Soros-institutes advisor. Director of the
"Center for Preventive Action" at the Council on
Foreign Relations.The center is funded by the US
Government through USIP, and by the Carnegie
Corporation as part of their program Preventing
Deadly Conflict. "Preventive Action" means
intervention.
He is a member of the centers South Balkans Working
Group, and edited a 1996 Council on Foreign Relations
study Towards Comprehensive Peace in Southeast
Europe: Conflict Prevention in the South Balkans.
Rubin is an Afghanistan specialist, also on the Board
of the Asia division of HRW. He authored and edited
several works on Afghanistan. Rubin apparently had a
curious attitude to the Taliban, he saw them as a
bulwark against Islamic radicalism. No doubt he changed
his attitude after 11 September 2001. See this letter to NPR, entitled
Afghanistan Whitewash:
While the Lyden-Rubin conversation made no
mention of US support for the Taliban, they referred
several times to US "pressure" on the Taliban to now
respect human rights. This is a total white wash which
distorts the historical record beyond
recognition.
Rubin is on the Advisory Board of the Soros
Foundation Central Eurasia Project. He is an advisor of
the Forced Migration Project of Soros' Open Society
Institute, and he is also on the Board of the Soros
Humanitarian Fund for Tajikistan. Perhaps most
interesting is that the U.S. Institute of Peace (a de
facto government agency) gave him a grant to research
"formation of a new state system in Central
Eurasia".
Barnett Rubin articles on Central
Asia
This may be repetitive, but note once again that
there are absolutely no Foundations or Institutes in
Central Asia, which pay people to design "new state
systems" in North America. For people like Rubin "human
rights" mean simply that the US designs the world. See
this article at the Soros Central Asia site, The
Political Economy of War and Peace in Afghanistan,
advocating a de facto colonial government in
Afghanistan financed by oil revenues. He wasn't talking
about the present Karzai government, which meets the
description, but about the Taliban regime. Although
they might prefer to forget this now, western foreign
policy circles did consider recognising the Taliban, in
a sort of oil-for-sharia swop.
Rubin is also a member of the US State Department
Advisory Committee on Religious
Freedom Abroad. The Final Report of this Committee
also sums up what the United States can do, when it
finds religious freedom has been infringed. The list
begins at "friendly, persuasive: open an embassy" and
ends with "act of war".
Rubin was also involved in the 1997 New York
meeting, where the United States attempted to create a
unified Yugoslav opposition, with among others Vuk
Draskovic. The effort failed at the time: the
opposition never united until Milosevic fell.
Colette Shulman
Womens' rights specialist. Works for the US 'National
Council for Research on Women', where she is editor of
'Women's Dialogue', a Russian-language magazine for
Russian women. Does the Russian Federation have a
national research council which publishes
English-language magazines for American women? I doubt
it: it is the American obsession to redesign the rest
of the world, in detail.
Leon Sigal, also known as Lee Sigal
Director of the Northeast Asia Cooperative Security
Project at the Social Science Research Council,
specialist on North Korea, author of 'Disarming
Strangers: Nuclear Diplomacy with North Korea'. It is
not clear why he is on the Europe Advisory Committee,
instead of the Asia committee. See his biography:
...member of the editorial board of The New York
Times from 1989 until 1995. In 1979 he served as
International Affairs Fellow in the Bureau of
Politico-Military Affairs at the Department of State
and in 1980 as Special Assistant to the Director. He
was a Rockefeller Younger Scholar in Foreign Policy
Studies at the Brookings Institution from 1972-1974 and
a guest scholar there in 1981-1984. From 1974 to 1989
he taught international politics at Wesleyan University
as a professor of government. He was an adjunct
professor at Columbia University's School of
International and Public Affairs from 1985 to 1989 and
from 1996 to 2000, and visiting lecturer at Princeton
University's Woodrow Wilson School in 1988 and
2000.
Sigal is a member of the Board of Advisors at Globalbeat
Syndicate, part of the New York University Dept of
Journalism.
Malcolm Smith
Senior Consultant, former President, at General American Investors Company, Inc.
George Soros
In some ways the 'Osama bin Laden' of the human rights
movement - a rich man using his wealth, to spread his
values across the world. See this overview of his role
in Eastern Europe: George Soros: New Statesman
Profile (Neil Clark, June 2003). The Public
Affairs site gives this short biography of George Soros, chief
financier of HRW and of numerous organisations in
eastern Europe with pro-American, pro-market policies.
George Soros was born in Budapest, Hungary in
1930. In 1947 he emigrated to England, where he
graduated from the London School of Economics. While a
student in London, Mr. Soros became familiar with the
work of the philosopher Karl Popper, who had a profound
influence on his thinking and later on his
philanthropic activities. In 1956 he moved to the
United States, where he began to accumulate a large
fortune through an international investment fund he
founded and managed.
Mr. Soros currently serves as chairman of Soros Fund
Management L.L.C., a private investment management firm
that serves as principal investment advisor to the
Quantum Group of Funds. The Quantum Fund N.V., the
oldest and largest fund within the Quantum Group, is
generally recognized as having the best performance
record of any investment fund in the world in its
twenty-nine-year history.
Mr. Soros established his first foundation, the Open
Society Fund, in New York in 1979 and his first Eastern
European foundation in Hungary in 1984. He now funds a
network of foundations that operate in thirty-one
countries throughout Central and Eastern Europe, and
the former Soviet Union, as well as southern Africa,
Haiti, Guatemala, Mongolia and the United States. These
foundations are dedicated to building and maintaining
the infrastructure and institutions of an open society.
Mr. Soros has also founded other major institutions,
such as the Central European University and the
International Science Foundation. In 1994, the
foundations in the network spent a total of
approximately $300 million; in 1995, $350 million; in
1996, $362 million; and in 1997, $428 million. Giving
for 1998 is expected to be maintained at that
level.
Soros Foundations Network
Open Society Institute Staff
Directory
Privatization Project
Open
Society Institute Budapest
Marco Stoffel
Founder and director of the Third Millennium Foundation. Although it
sounds harmless, the Foundation promotes a
pseudo-ethical theory aimed at children, in which
morality is reduced to 'empathy'. It also funds some
human rights research.
Ruti Teitel
Professor of Constitutional Law at the New York Law
School, see his biography. In the last few years he has
specialised in the Constitutions of eastern European
countries, and advised on the new Ukrainian
constitution.
Mark von Hagen
Director of the Harriman Institute - an
International Relations institute of Columbia
University in New York. A Soviet and post-Soviet
specialist, with a long list of publications, see his
profile at the institute website.
Patricia M. Wald
US Judge, appointed to the Yugoslavia Tribunal (ICTY)
in The Hague, until 2001. See this interview. Incidentally, the
Soros Foundation also paid for the equipment of the
Tribunal - so much for its judicial impartiality.
Mark Walton
This is apparently a British specialist in human rights
and mental health, but I can not link him definitively
to HRW.
William D. Zabel
George Soros legal advisor, on foundation and charity
law. A estate and family financial lawyer for the rich
at Schulte, Roth, and Zabel. His biography
lists his involvement with these Soros Foundations:
"Newly Independent States and the Baltic Republics,
Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria and Central European
University and Open Society Fund". See this
biographical article originally from the National Law
Journal:
When fate knocks, rich ring for
Zabel
He is a trustee of Fanton's New School of Social
Research, and member of the Advisory Board of the World
Policy Institute at the New School.
Zabel is a director of the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights. The
Lawyers Committee for Human Rights is one of the
partners in the "Apparel Industry Partnership", a group
set up by the Clinton administration and the US
clothing and footwear industries to defuse criticism of
conditions in their factories. The (not particularly
radical) US trade union federation refuses to
co-operate with it.
Zabel is also on the Board of Doctors of the World,
the USA branch of Médecins du Monde, founded by
Bernard Kouchner in 1980. Kouchner was later appointed
the UN Representative ( the "governor") in Kosovo - and
he has been suggested as a possible 'UN Governor' in
Iraq. Despite the name, Médecins du Monde is a
purely western organisation, see the affiliate
list.
Warren Zimmermann
US Ambassador to Yugoslavia during its break-up, author
of Origins of Catastrophe: Yugoslavia and Its
Destroyers. A Cold-War career diplomat, long active
in US human rights campaigns against eastern Europe.
See this site for an extreme pro-Bosniac assessment of
his book by Branka Magas, alleging he appeased
Milosevic: "In the event, by pursuing Yugoslavia's
unity rather than supporting Slovenia and Croatia in
their demands for either the country's confederal
transformation or its peaceful dissolution, the United
States helped ensure its violent break-up". (I think it
is logically consistent with US values and interests,
that the US supported one policy around 1990 and
another in Kosovo. The real problem is that so many
people in Europe expect the US to design their states
and write their Constitutions. It is because of this
attitude, that people like Zimmermann, and
organisations like HRW, can flourish) Zimmermann is now
a professor of Diplomacy at Columbia University. If you
think the 'amoral diplomat' is a stereotype, look at
how his 1997 Contemporary Diplomacy course taught
future diplomats:
Imagine that you are a member of Secretary
Albright's Policy Planning Staff. She has asked you to
write a strategy paper for one of the following
diplomatic challenges:
- Dealing with NATO expansion and with the countries
affected;
- Crafting a more energetic and assertive US approach
to the Israeli-PLO deadlock;
-Raising the American profile in sub-Saharan
Africa;
- Developing a US initiative to improve relations with
Cuba;
- Forging an American approach to Central Asia and its
energy wealth;
- Making better use of the UN and other multilateral
organizations like OSCE;
- Weighing the relative priorities between pursuing
human rights and keeping open lucrative economic
opportunities;
- Increasing interest in, and support for, US foreign
policy among the American people.
With Barnett Rubin, Zimmermann is a member of the
Advisory Board of the Forced Migration Project at Soros
Open Society Institute.
With Felice Gaer, Zimmermann is also on the Board of
the quasi-commercial International Dispute Resolution
Associates. (Peacemaking has become big business, but
IDR is also funded by the US Government through the
USIP).
He is a Trustee of the Carnegie
Council on Ethics and International Affairs
HRW Council The Human Rights Watch 'Council'
is primarily a fund-raising group. However, its members
no doubt expect some influence on HRW policy, for their
$5 000 minimum donation. The Council describes itself as "...an international
membership organization that seeks to increase awareness
of human rights issues and support for Human Rights
Watch."
At first Council membership was secret, but the list
is now online: it partly overlaps with Board and Advisory
Committee members. The interesting thing about the
Council is that it shows how much HRW is not
international. It is Anglo-American, to the point of
caricature. The Council is sub-divided onto four
'regional committees'. You might expect a division by
continents (the Americas, Africa, Europe and
Asia-Pacific). But instead the 'regions' of the HRW
global community are New York, Northern California,
Southern California, and London. There is also a
three-person 'Europe Committee At-Large' but it does not
appear to organise any activities.
Although Human Rights Watch claims to act in the name
of universal values, it is an organisation with a narrow
social and geographical base. If HRW Council members were
truly concerned about the welfare of Africans, Tibetans
or eastern Europeans, then they would at least offer them
an equal chance to influence the organisation. Instead,
geographical location and the high cost restrict Council
Membership to the US and British upper-middle-class.
HRW Donors Taken from an older version of
the HRW website, this 1995 list is apparently the only
information available. In the United States, HRW is not
legally obliged to disclose who donates money. About half
its funds come from foundations, and half from individual
donors, in total about $20 million.
In its Annual Reports, HRW always claims that it
"accepts no government funds, directly or indirectly."
However, that was a lie according to the 1995 list, and
it is still a lie. The Dutch Novib - now part of the
Oxfam group - is a government-funded aid organisation,
and in turn it funded the activities of Human Rights
Watch Africa in the Great Lakes region and Angola. Oxfam
itself is primarily funded by the British government and
the European Union, see their annual report. It is also funded by
the United States Agency for International
Development, USAID. Oxfam in turn partly funds Novib,
so some of that money finds it way to HRW. Both Oxfam and
Novib funded the HRW report on the Rwanda genocide. So, if it is as
accurate as HRW's claim not to accept any indirect
government funding, look elsewhere for the truth.
DONORS OF $100,000 OR MORE
Dorothy and Lewis Cullman
The Aaron Diamond Foundation
Irene Diamond
The Ford Foundation
The Lillian Hellman and Dashiell Hammett Fund
Estate of Anne Johnson
The J. M. Kaplan Fund
The Fanny and Leo Koerner Charitable Trust
The John D. and Catherine T.
MacArthur Foundation
The John Merck Fund
The Joyce Mertz-Gilmore
Foundation
Novib, The Dutch Organization for Development
Corporation,
The Overbrook Foundation
Oxfam
Donald Pels
The Ruben and Elisabeth Rausing
Trust
The Rockefeller Foundation
Marion and Herbert Sandler, The Sandler
Family Supporting Foundation
Susan and George Soros
Shelby White and Leon Levy
DONORS OF $25,000 - $99,999
The Arca Foundation
Helen and Robert Bernstein
Mr. and Mrs. Edgar Bronfman, Jr.
Nikki and David Brown
Carnegie Corporation of New York
Compton Foundation, Inc.
Mr. and Mrs. Marvin Davis
The Dr. Seuss Foundation
Fiona and Stanley Druckenmiller
Jack Edelman
Epstein Philanthropies
Federation Internationale des Ligues des Droits de
L'Homme
Barbara Finberg
General Service Foundation
Abby Gilmore and Arthur Freierman
Richard and Rhoda Goldman Fund
Katherine Graham, The Washington Post Company
Harry Frank Guggenheim Foundation
Hudson News
Independence Foundation
The Isenberg Family Charitable Trust
The Henry M. Jackson Foundation
Robert and Ardis James
Jesuit Refugee Service
Nancy and Jerome Kohlberg
Lyn and Norman Lear
Joshua Mailman
Medico International
Moriah Fund, Inc.
Ruth Mott Fund
Kathleen Peratis and Richard Frank
Phillips-Van Heusen Corporation
Ploughshares Fund
Public Welfare Foundation, Inc.
Anita and Gordon Roddick
Edna and Richard Salomon
Lorraine and Sid Sheinberg
Margaret R. Spanel
Time Warner Inc.
U.S. Jesuit Conference
Warner Brothers, Inc.
Edie and Lew Wasserman
Maureen White and Steven Rattner
Malcolm Wiener and Carolyn Seely Wiener
The Winston Foundation for World Peace
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